Teaching and Learning > DISCOURSE
Toward Teaching Black Theology Through Black Gospel Music in Britain
Author: Dulcie Dixon McKenzie
Journal Title: Discourse
ISSN: 2040-3674
ISSN-L: 1741-4164
Volume: 8
Number: 2
Start page: 127
End page: 171
Return to vol. 8 no. 2 index page
This essay is representative of work towards my doctoral thesis, and a modified version of a presentation given in January 2009 at the conference 'Teaching Black Theology,' hosted by the Higher Education Academy Centre for Philosophical and Religious Studies. It considers the notion of teaching Black theology through the tradition of Black gospel music that emerged in Britain.
To date, Black gospel music in Britain is a neglected area in literature, particularly in Black theological discourse. It has never before been the subject of sustained treatment in scholarship, and as a direct result, there is little understanding about its evolution. For that reason, my main intention in this essay is to discuss the immediate feasibility of teaching Black theology through Black gospel music in Britain.1 I question the notion, and contend that because of the huge gap in knowledge concerning its origin, development, and advancement in Britain, to employ it as a tool to teach Black theology is presently inconceivable.
On the other hand, despite the lack of understanding of the roots and route of Black gospel music in Britain, this essay also discusses the importance of Black theology as a discipline taking responsibility for advancing the knowledge of Black gospel music in Britain in research and scholarship at postgraduate level. Should Black theology deem the tradition of Black gospel music in Britain an important subject area of study, it will propel it as an effective tool for teaching and learning.
By way of discussing the issue of ignorance concerning Black gospel music in Britain, and the role of Black theology, this essay is divided into three main parts. First, given that a definitive documented history or an agreed formal narrative of Black gospel music in Britain does not exist, in order to give this discussion a context, I begin with a personal account of some of my own experience and observations of the emergence and development of Black gospel music in Britain. Secondly, because of the absence of a definitive documented history, I demonstrate how Black gospel music in Britain is perpetually historically misrepresented. In the final part of this essay, I place the spotlight on Black theology as a discipline looking first at America in order to demonstrate how Black gospel music there is theologically assessed and employed to teach Black theology. For that I reason I conclude this essay with tasks for Black theology as a discipline in Britain.
Setting the scene—an insider's view
Significantly, I am able to reflect on the emergence of Black gospel music in Britain as an insider. My personal experience goes back to my formative years as a daughter of ministers within Black Pentecostalism in Britain.2 My parents were active members of an emerging Black Pentecostal church in Leicester—the New Testament Church of God (NTCG)3, which is where I began my earliest days in church. In the early 1960s, my parents migrated from Jamaica to Britain and as ardent Pentecostals, on arrival to Britain, they, like many other African Caribbean Christians, thought it essential to continue attending church.
From the account of my parents however, and that of other African Caribbean men and women in Britain of that generation, the host churches in Britain were hostile and unwelcoming.4 In addition, the style of worship was not what they experienced in the Caribbean, hence many African Caribbean Christians searched for a church like back 'home'.5 Not able to find a church of the kind they were familiar with; my parents joined other likeminded African Caribbean Christians who gathered in a front room in order to worship together in singing and praying.6 Similar to my parents, the late Rev Io Smith, an African Caribbean migrant of the 1950s paints a vivid picture of her experience of searching for a place to worship:
What I found in the British churches was rejection and unfriendliness. That's what made me change from being a Baptist to a Pentecostal. In East London in the 1950s there was only one black -led church, in Holloway Road, and everyone who heard about it would travel to find it. There were times of real joy. Meeting together, singing, tambourine, music, rejoicing and hallelujahs. The way we know to worship. It was then I found what I needed... 7
As Pentecostalism was of immense significance to my parents, it should be no surprise that they would raise their children in the same tradition. Consequently, my siblings and I, (five of us in all), lived by the strict moral codes and values dictated within Black Pentecostalism8, and in truth, there was no distinction between home and church. Home endorsed the 'rules' of the church and this partnership was very real. We observed the view of a sacred and secular world.9
When my father first became a Pastor, all of us as sons and daughters were expected (note, there was no negotiation), to be heavily involved with the activities of the church. For us, playing musical instruments was a stimulating activity and we became the resident church musicians and singers10, as well as taking part in the rest of church activities throughout the week.11 Church life was both our social and leisure outlet, and our involvement in church activities extended into the community whereby we organised events such as youth clubs, summer schemes, and gospel concerts, which featured our family as a singing group called 'The Dixons'.
A wider church community
The church that my father 'Pastored' for many years was part of the New Testament Assembly (NTA). As an independent international denomination that began in Jamaica, the majority of churches emerged in London, with other branches established in America, Canada, and Ghana.12 Like other Black Pentecostal Churches, the NTA had regular conventions and special services that we attended as a family, and sometimes with members of the church congregation. We travelled in a minibus (sometimes a coach) to attend the special services hosted by other churches within the NTA, and we also visited other Black Pentecostal churches outside of our own organisation to attend conventions and fundraising events, such as building programmes, and rallies.13 As we travelled the long distances, significantly, there was lots of singing along the way. In the main, we would sing Sankey songs,14 with someone 'tracking' the words from the songbook, as well as choruses that came out of the oral liturgy of Black Pentecostalism.15 Very rarely was there silence as we travelled along. In essence, 'we were having church.'16
I personally loved the trips, and visiting other churches for many reasons. For one, going to different churches deepened my musical experience. In those days (during the early 1970s), we did not have a collection of recorded Black gospel music at home, rather, it was my mother's limited collection of vinyls that featured artists like Jim Reeves, Elvis Presley, and Johnny Cash.17 This was the type of music that 'entertained' us at home, as we were not allowed to sing, play, or listen to any music perceived as worldly. My mother however, would add to her collection of music by recording the services on her 'Hitachi' cassette recorder. She would regularly record the congregational singing, and sermons, and although there were occasions when she 'ran out of cassette tape', somehow we were always able to memorise songs, and when we returned to our 'home church' the songs that we learnt in the visiting churches, would be added to our own repertoire of congregational singing. This oral form of learning and preserving of songs is a key feature in Black Pentecostalism.18
A vibrant concert scene!—the acceleration of Black gospel music in Britain
Another important aspect of my personal experience and observations of the development of Black gospel music in Britain was the vibrant 'concert' scene that occurred amongst Black Pentecostals during the late 1970s and early 1980s. It was the era when Black church musicians and singers developed their musical talents on a wider scale19, and as a result, there was a thriving 'concert scene' where church musicians and singers formed singing groups, musical bands, and choirs; and each outfit developed a new repertoire of songs in readiness for the regular Saturday evening concerts. I remember attending numerous concerts that featured many of the emerging groups and choirs, and as my ongoing research will address, it is against this backdrop that Black gospel music in Britain began to take shape.20
As well as an opportunity for musicians and singers to develop their musical skills and new repertoire of songs, the regular concerts would become a significant social scene for young people and other church members of Black Pentecostalism in Britain. Notably, the venue for the frequent concerts was at first in the same church buildings that were acquired through the financial sacrifices of the first generation of African Caribbean migrants.21 However, with the proliferation of visi- tations by African American gospel artists regularly touring Britain to share their style of Black gospel music, gospel concerts in Britain extended into Town Halls, theatres and other public venues.
Black gospel music in Britain—reaching a wider audience
I have so far, shared elements of my own observations of the emergence of Black gospel music in Britain, emerging out of the Black church tradition in Britain22, and admittedly, my account is through the lens of Black Pentecostalism.23 Nevertheless, from a lifetime of involvement with Black Pentecostalism as a Sunday school teacher, church administrator, and church musician, my experience and observations of Black gospel music took a new direction when I became a radio presenter with the BBC on a weekly basis. I started with the BBC in the mid 1980s when Black gospel music in Britain was a growing phenomenon in public spaces in Britain. Apart from a few recordings of gospel outfits in Britain,24 there was little in the way of 'professional' recordings by Black gospel music artists in Britain.
Consequently, rather than featuring Black gospel music expressed by Black British gospel artists, my earliest presentations of Black gospel music on BBC radio was essentially the tradition that emerged in America. Black gospel music of America, nonetheless, was already a 'fixed entity' amongst young followers of Black gospel music in Britain, as it became possible to purchase recordings of the high profile gospel artists at the time, such as James Cleveland, Walter Hawkins, Andraé Crouch, and later, the Clark Sisters, the Winans, and Commissioned and others.25 Moreover, as already stated, many of the African American gospel artists had already started visiting Britain on tour.
Without a doubt, Black gospel music in Britain has advanced and trickled into wider British society and has permeated public spaces such as on the radio and television, commercial CDs and DVDs, theatres, competitions, and award ceremonies.26 However, despite its advancement there is still immense societal ignorance about its advent and evolution. I would say that the lack of knowledge is because of the absence of a definitive documented history as well as the misguided application of literature that primarily attends to Black gospel music in America. The lack of history is therefore the focus for the next section.
The absence of a definitive documented history—a major concern
Although Black gospel music in Britain has advanced into wider British society, a most disturbing fact is that it is without a definitive documented history. What is striking is that an agreed narrative or formal historical account of its unique roots and route does not exist. By contrast, however, there is a plethora of data documenting the history and advancement of Black gospel music in America, whereby there are numerous studies by scholars from a variety of disciplines dedicating time to it in literature. What follows is a brief overview of the proliferation of literature attending to the advent, development, and advancement of Black gospel music in America.
Black gospel music in America—a plethora of literature
As a musical tradition that is deeply entrenched in the 'folk church' tradition amongst African Americans27, Black gospel music in America attracts attention and scrutiny from a variety of scholars. Since its formal beginnings in the 1920s28, it has been the subject matter of enormous interest in a multiplicity of disciplines in respect of its roots, history, advancement, significance, and influence in America. Over the years, the writings have been progressive such as in history29, religious studies30, cultural studies31, and musicology.32 In addition to the serious attention given in literacy to its overall development in America, there are also autobiographical writings profiling key figures of Black gospel music in America, such as Thomas A. Dorsey33, Mahalia Jackson34, Rosetta Tharpe35, and many of the quartets and other key figures of the Golden Age.36 There are also self-authored autobiographies by artists such as Shirley Caesar37 and Kirk Franklin38 and notably, the range of autobiographical sources tend to have more of a populace appeal. For instance, a helpful source largely profiling more contemporary figures of Black gospel music in America and those deemed as contributors to its history is Bil Carpenter's encyclopaedia, Uncloudy Days.39
An encyclopaedia that should be noted for its historical attention to both Black and White gospel music is the Encyclopaedia of American Gospel Music40, which is a collection of essays on key figures and events linked to the development of both Black and White gospel music in America through the decades. For instance, from an essay on the Azusa Street Revival41, to a discussion on Zondervan Publishers42, this A-Z guide provides interesting general reading concerning the overall proliferation of gospel music in America.
Mostly, the collection of literature is impressive and clearly authenticates the history and advancement of Black gospel music as a significant tradition in America, and scholars demonstrate how the mass of information can be classified chronologically, historically, and by designated years.43 Some of the categories do overlap; nevertheless, from the writings it is possible to see the proliferation and the succession of phases, as well as historical key points relevant to the development of Black gospel music in America.
By contrast, in regards to literature pertaining to the tradition of Black gospel music in Britain however, there is a dearth of sources, and this is because it has never before been the subject of a systematic study. As a direct result, its history is continuously misrepresented.
The historical misrepresentation of Black gospel music in Britain in text
Contrary to the literary in American writings and scholarship, attention to Black gospel music in Britain is inadequate. Broadly speaking, the literature is either vague or is a historically misleading. This section discusses the misrepresentation of Black gospel music in Britain in text.
So far, there is only one source that gives serious attention to the advent of Black gospel music in Britain, and that is Viv Broughton's Black Gospel—an illustrated History of the Gospel Sound.44 It is a highly regarded text, often cited as an authoritative source regarding the history of Black gospel music in America and Britain. To accompany this publication, Broughton also compiles a four-part compilation double album on vinyl to feature recordings of notable artists in the publication.45
Broughton starts his history with a short commentary about the brutal treatment towards Africans enslaved in North America. He cites the creation of Spirituals as the contributing factor to the development of Black gospel music. It is a pictorial presentation where Broughton goes on to give interesting biographical details of those who he considers as major figures such as the Fisk Jubilee Singers, Thomas A. Dorsey, and those he calls gospel mothers, namely, Sallie Martin, Willie Mae Ford Smith, and Mahalia Jackson.46
Broughton also gives biographical treatment to the Golden Age, featuring quartets such as the Dixie Hummingbirds, the Swan Silvertones, the Spirit of Memphis, the Sensational Nightingales, and the Blind Boys of Mississippi, before illustrating the proliferation of female artists and super groups.47 Broughton points out that numerically, the male quartets dominated the golden age, however, many other female groups made their own mark. For instance, female groups such as Clara Ward Singers, Inez Andrews and the Caravans, which also featured Albertina Walker and Shirley Caesar, Dorothy Love Coates and the Gospel Harmonettes. Broughton singles out former jazz singer and musician Rosetta Tharpe as the female gospel artist 'whose music defies all gospels' categorisation.'48 Her style of performance attracted churchgoers and non-churchgoers, and in her hey day, she was able to draw huge crowds usually by the thousands.49
Broughton continues to give pictorial and biographical details of other major artists, right up to the decade of the mid 1980s, and concludes his illustrated history by turning his attention briefly to the advent of Black gospel music in Britain in the final chapter. He features some of the participatory figures of Black gospel music in Britain during the 1970s and 1980s50, pointing out that the first organised gospel groups in Britain emerged from the Seventh Day Adventist churches, namely, Singing Stewarts, and the Golden chords among others. However, many more gospel outfits would emerge from Black Pentecostal churches, with groups coming to their own during the 1970s.51
Some ten years after this first publication, Broughton pursues his interest in documenting Black gospel music with a subsequent manuscript, Too Close to Heaven52, which is another biographical presentation of notable figures of Black gospel music in America.53 This time, however, Broughton totally ignores Black gospel music in Britain. Although by the time of his second publication Black gospel music in Britain was making further advances in wider British society54, Broughton nevertheless, did not take the opportunity to examine the subsequent advances of Black gospel music in Britain, or made any attempt to present a separate history. Instead, he completely ignores Black gospel music in Britain as though there was nothing more to add or clarify in the treatment given in 1985.
Overall, Broughton's documented history of Black gospel music in Britain showcases 'high profile' participants of Black gospel music in Britain during the 1970s and 1980s, such as Bazil Meade, John Francis, and other leaders of choirs and groups. However, he appears to have missed the opportunity to document the particularities that contributed to the emergence of so many gospel outfits emerging from Black Pentecostalism in Britain, particularly in Black independent churches55 that nurtured the development of Black gospel music in Britain. Besides the brief mention of racism as a contributory factor for the emergence of Black independent churches, essentially, Broughton pays little attention to the particular historical, social, and religious roots of Black gospel music in Britain.
Broughton's contribution is the only text that is a serious attempt to provide a history of Black gospel music in Britain. However, because he integrates it with an American narrative and pays little attention to events that predate the advent of Black gospel music in Britain, his account is limited and in many ways misleading and effectively Broughton's American history of Black gospel music subsumes the unique history of Black gospel music in Britain.
Although Broughton acknowledges that there is no link between the early introduction of 'Afro-American' Spirituals and the emergence of Black gospel music in Britain56, he is unsuccessful in presenting a separate history for Black gospel music in Britain and unwittingly authenticates the myth that the rise of Black gospel music in Britain is fundamentally an African-American artefact.57
In sum, as there is no other source that gives serious treatment to the emergence of Black gospel music in Britain; Broughton's contribution is uncritically accepted and serves as the authoritative text concerning the history of Black gospel music in Britain. However, as his history does not address the definitive roots of Black gospel music in Britain, in essence Broughton's history plays a major part in the historical misrepresentation of Black gospel music in Britain in text.
Another example can be found in The Oxford Companion to Black British History.58 David Dabydeen et al attempt to chart Black British history, and in this publication properly include an essay on Gospel Music.59 The entry however, is merely a 'carbon copy' of the American historical narrative, detailed in Viv Broughton's history. The reproduction of the American context is typified in this statement: 'Gospel music's roots lie in late 19th-and early 20th century America in the 'Holiness' movement churches.'60 That might be the case for the roots of Black gospel music in America; however, concerning the history of Black gospel music in Britain this assertion is misleading. The statement is too general and does not address the specific roots of Black gospel music in Britain.
Again, like Broughton, this publication does not predate the 19th century by examining particular historical events that influenced the Christianisation of Africans and their descendants enslaved in the Caribbean, nor how White Christianity shaped their worldview, and religious practices.61 Although Black gospel music is an integral part of Black religious expression in Britain, rather than a detailed examination of its emergence through Black Christianity in Black churches, this entry merely chronologies observations of people and events that contributed to the development of Black gospel music in Britain since the 1950s.
The historical misrepresentation of Black gospel music in Britain—in singing
By way of expanding the point further of an enduring historical misrepresentation of Black gospel music in Britain, here I cite an example of how even the historical context of the singing tradition of Black gospel music in Britain is sometimes misrepresented in Black British history. For instance, the 25th March 2007 marked the 200th anniversary of the abolition of the Slave Trade Act in the British colonies, and in that year, there were many community events to mark the bicentenary. Some of the proceedings featured Black gospel music in Britain, where several artists and musicians participated in events.
Arguably the highest profile of events regarding the commemorations was a special service held at Westminster Abbey on Tuesday 27th March 2007, with Her Majesty the Queen and His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh; honoured guests; the Prime Minister (at the time) Tony Blair; other parliamentary delegates; and a large congregation. The service was televised live and contained hymns, readings, special music, and featured a most notable Black gospel music outfit in Britain, the Adventist Vocal Ensemble. The ensemble sang traditional African-American Spirituals, which is further evidence of the ongoing misrepresentation inherent in the expression of Black gospel music in Britain from a historical context.
For instance, the service of commemoration was to mark the bicentenary of the abolition of the slave trade in the British colonies, which includes descendants of Africans in the Caribbean. The members of the gospel outfit Adventist Vocal Ensemble are of African-Caribbean descendants, yet the selection and rendition of 'songs' at the service did not musically represent Africans enslaved in the Caribbean. Instead, the singing group followed the trend and 'copied' the musical heritage of Africans enslaved in America by singing a selection of Spirituals understood to have emerged amongst Africans and their descendants in America.62
In sum, this 'Black British' gospel outfit missed the opportunity of presenting a version of 'Black sacred' singing that would have been more representative of Africans and their descendants enslaved in the British colonies of the Caribbean, and subsequently migrated to Britain during the 20th century. Furthermore, the opportunity to give a 'flavour' of the singing tradition of the first generation of African Caribbean migrants to post war Britain was also missed.
Arguably, a reflection of African Caribbean folklore or sacred singing would have been a 'more accurate' representation.63 Knowledge of this however is scarce; therefore, consequently, the Adventist Vocal Ensemble borrowed songs understood to represent the historical context of Africans and their descendants enslaved in America. In essence, although it was a bicentenary to mark the abolition of the slave trade in the British Colonies, the gospel singing at this service of commemoration was a historical representation of Black gospel music in Britain.
On reflection, because of the absence of a definitive history of Black gospel music in Britain, arguably, the Adventist Vocal Ensemble did what any other Black gospel choir or group in Britain would have done at that time. They unwittingly borrowed the singing tradition of Black sacred singing in America because they did not have a full understanding of its own heritage of Black sacred singing in Britain.
The impact of the absence of a definitive history of Black gospel music in Britain
As a direct result of the absence of a definitive documented history of Black gospel music in Britain, the American narrative of history of Black gospel music misplaces its history. To be specific, the history of Black gospel music in America is uncritically accepted as a one-sizefits- all, 'all-inclusive' narrative and the tradition of Black gospel music in Britain falls victim to this. The 'off-the-peg' use of the American narrative to explicate the history of Black gospel music in Britain subsumes the specific particularities of the roots and route of the evolution of Black gospel music as a tradition in Britain.
In effect, the history of Black gospel music in Britain so far is misleading. Its narrative is presently from an American perspective, which means, arguably, it has started at the wrong place. Constructing an argument about starting history at the wrong place, Jeremiah A. Wright makes this important statement; 'When you start at the wrong place, you are going to end up in the wrong place.'64 Wright also puts it another way; 'Faulty assumptions lead to faulty analyses; and faulty analyses inevitably produce faulty conclusions.'65
In addition, to Wright, a Jamaican proverb is very poignant for this discussion concerning African Caribbean and Black British history. The proverb goes like this; 'If e-no start good a-marning, it nar come right a-evening.' Everal McKenzie offers a translation for this:
What was wrong to start with will remain wrong in the end. Things will not get better by themselves, if something has gone wrong you need to take positive action. A broken chair in the morning will still be broken at night unless it is repaired. Also, something that is wrong will always be wrong. 66
To concur with both the Jamaican proverb and Wright, the application of an American historical narrative of Black gospel music to explain the narration of the tradition of Black gospel music in Britain means that for too long the story of Black gospel music in Britain has been misleading. Put simply, the historical narrative of Black gospel music in Britain tends to start with the Spirituals, which is a common assumption in populace debates and commentaries. Commentators and observers borrow this part of the American narrative as a starting point for Black gospel music in Britain.
Indeed the American historical narrative provides stories of similarities, perspectives, and experiences to that of Black gospel music in Britain, as the historical description cannot be separated from the ramifications of the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Undoubtedly, all people of the African diaspora displaced by the brutality of the Slave Trade share a history of enslavement and oppression67, however, the journey of survival and triumph has taken different routes. A careful examination therefore of the distinct roots and route of Black gospel music in Britain within the African diaposra is central to understanding the complexities of how Black gospel music has 'dispersed' globally, in particular, in America and Britain.
An exploration of sociologist Paul Gilroy's concept of a Black Atlantic68 contributes to my notion of a historical distinction of Black gospel music. Gilroy coined the term Black Atlantic to refer to the creation of an African Diasporan culture as a result of the Transatlantic Slave Trade that was organised and maintained by Europeans, yet sustained by religious propaganda. The Black Atlantic is a conceptual framework located geographically in a triangular relationship between Africa, Europe, and the Americas. Gilroy asserts that it is a complex unit that consists of people from different ethnic, racial, cultural, linguistic, and religious groups; and although there are differences in background, they are people of the African Diaspora who are still able to influence each other.69
That said, Black gospel music is a theological tradition that reflects Black musical cultural forms, and despite its global evolution, it has been shaped locally. More in-depth research will help to make distinctions and comparisons concerning the evolution of Black gospel music in Britain and America. In the meantime, however, historical references to Black gospel music in Britain need to reflect historical events and experiences that directly shaped the religiosity of the ancestors of African Caribbean men and women in Britain.70
The absence of a definitive documented history of Black gospel music in Britain is currently a major problem for Black theological discourse, hence its present inability to use it as an effective tool for teaching. Black gospel music in Britain is therefore an urgent subject area of study for Black theologians in Britain.
Towards Black theological attention to Black gospel music in Britain
As an intellectual discipline with a firm commitment to practical application, Black theology seeks to provide theological insights to Black life. It engages with Christian theological ideas in order to make sense of the social, historical, and religious experience of Black people. What follows is a discussion about Black theology as a discipline, and its importance to Black gospel music. It begins with an overview of the advancement of Black theology in America.
Black theology in America—an overview of its development
The development of Black theology as a discipline in America is well documented. It is not necessary therefore, for me to replicate it all here. What is worth noting however, is that unlike contemporary theological movements in Europe and North America, its origin in America did not start in the seminary or university. Rather, as an idea, Black theology grew amongst Black clergy during the civil rights protests of America in the 1960s, primarily to provide a Christian theological reflection upon the black struggle.71 Leading proponent of Black theology in America, James Cone, describes how it developed out of three contexts, namely the Civil Rights Movement; the publication of Black Religion by the African American scholar Joseph Washington72; and the Black Power Movement.73
Significantly, in America, all those involved in the formation of Black theology were also deeply involved in the Civil Rights Movement that sought to initiate racial justice. In the form of various organisations, the Black churches began to relate the Christian gospel to the struggle for racial justice in American society74, and in June 1969, clergy of the National Committee of Black Churchmen (NCBC) produced the following statement, which provides a definition for Black theology:
Black Theology is a theology of black liberation. It seeks to plumb the black condition in the light of God's revelation in Jesus Christ, so that the black community can see that the gospel is commensurate with the achievement of black humanity. Black Theology is a theology of 'blackness.' It is the affirmation of black humanity that emancipates black people from white racism, thus providing authentic freedom for both white and black people. It affirms the humanity of white people in that it says No to the encroachment of white oppression. The message of liberation is the revelation of God as revealed in the incarnation of Jesus Christ. Freedom IS the gospel. Jesus is the Liberator! 'He ...hath sent me to preach deliverance to the captives!' (Luke 4:18). Thus the black patriarchs and we ourselves know this reality despite all attempts of the white church to obscure it and to utilize Christianity as a means of enslaving blacks. The demand that Christ the Liberator imposes on all men requires all blacks to affirm their full dignity as persons and all whites to surrender their presumptions of superiority and abuses of power. 75
Following the inception of Black theology in America, what is clear is that radical Black clergy started to interpret the meaning of the Christian faith from the perspective of the Black struggle for liberation in America, as they wanted to 'theologise from within the Black experience rather than be confined to duplicating the theology of Europe or White North America.'76
Despite the three specific circumstances noted as the backdrop for contemporary Black theology to emerge as an academic discipline in America; Black religious thinker Gayraud S. Wilmore offers a clue that Black theology did not begin in the 1960s. Rather by studying the sermons of Black preachers in the 19th century, and before that, recognition of the Black presence in the bible for five hundred years, it is possible to see that Black theology began long before the Atlantic Slave Trade.77 Wilson cites Old Testament Biblical text and events in scripture to suggest that such raw material has always been available and can help to explain the emergence of Black theology in North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa since the beginning of the second introduction to Christianity.78 Hence, similar theological developments have occurred in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.79
As an academic discipline in America, Black theology seeks to interpret the meaning of God's liberating presence in a society where black people are economically exploited and politically marginalized because of the colour of their skin.80 Frederick L. Ware helpfully provides a detailed analysis and explanation for some of the complexities in Black theology in his publication of Methodologies of Black Theology.81 In his classification of Black theological scholars, Ware suggests that there are three different schools of academic Black theology; namely, the Black Hermeneutical School82, the Black Philosophical School83, and the Human Science School.84 Within the various schools, writers provide a wide range of theological reflections, which demonstrates the extent of the range of analysis within the American academy of Black theology.
As an intellectual discipline, Black theology in the American context can be commended for its scholarship and theological attention to Black gospel music in America, and next I cite a few examples.
Black theological attention to Black gospel music in America
Strictly speaking, and by way of simplifying this discussion, Black theological attention to Black gospel music in America can be split into three categories, namely, the Spirituals, Black Church studies, and Black hymnody. I will discuss these three areas briefly.
Sometimes referred to as slave songs, Spirituals are the collection of songs that emerged amongst Africans enslaved in America, and as Gwendolin Sims Warren explains, they are the 'true folk songs of the American experience.'85 In her collection of 101 Best-loved Psalms, Gospel Hymns and Spiritual Songs, Warren goes on to make the point that in other cultures and societies, most folk songs are primarily secular, whereas the Spirituals are sacred and religious, and are not attributed to individual authors; rather, they reflect the musical genius of African American people who collectively created the songs.86
In her seminal work, In Spirit and in Truth, Melva Wilson Costen also contributes to the discourse on Spirituals, and points out that they provide a record of the history, beliefs, and values that African people hold collectively in their memory.87 It is no wonder then that Anthony B. Pinn in Why Lord? Suffering and Evil in Black Theology88, suggests that the Spirituals 'narrated the community's collective physical and psychological experience and development.'89
In respect to the physical and psychological experience of the African, there is a groundbreaking monograph by James Cone, The Spirituals and the Blues.90 Cone offers a theological interpretation in equal measure to the Spirituals and the Blues, and starts with a thorough survey and critique of scholarship attending to the origin and meaning of Spirituals.91 Cone goes on to present a perceptive interpretation of the Spirituals and the Blues, claiming that there is a definite dualism between the two. He states vehemently that:
The spirituals and the blues record black people's feelings—their hopes and disappointments, their dreams and nightmares. We must view them as two artistic expressions of the same experience.92
Making a point about the liberating effect of Spirituals, Cheryl A. Kirk- Duggan in Exorcizing Evil93 presents a Womanist perspective of the impact of Spirituals. Kirk-Duggan asserts that Spirituals can be used to teach liberation, justice, hope and new life. Moreover, they can empower people as they represent an uncompromising exorcizing of oppression.94 Yolanda Y. Smith in Reclaiming the Spirituals95, therefore, encourages African Americans to reclaim their triple heritage as Africans, African Americans, and Christians, and urges African Americans to draw upon the wisdom and rich cultural heritage of Spirituals as a viable and relevant resource for the development of Christian education.96 Smith wraps up her monologue with insights for building a triple heritage model using Spirituals.
To summarise this brief summary of literacy attention to Spirituals in Black theology from an in American context, it is generally accepted that the Spirituals are the definitive historical foundation for Black gospel music in America. For instance, Oral L. Moses, makes this statement, 'Spirituals provide one source for much of the textual content of today's gospel music,'97 meanwhile, much earlier on, Cone concludes his interpretation of the Spirituals and the Blues, making the assertion that 'gospel music replaced the Spirituals, and Jazz replaced the Blues.'98
Here I move on to another aspect of Black theological attention to Black gospel music in America, and that of Black Church studies. Notably, part of the historical narrative of Black gospel music in America is the significance of the emergence of 'the Black Church,' and in a wide range of literature, it is possible to see that Black gospel music is understood to be a by-product of the Black church in the African American experience. For instance, C. Eric Lincoln and Lawrence H. Mamiya99 conducted a ten year comprehensive study of the Black church in the African American Experience.100 It is a muchrespected source, where, amongst other things, Lincoln and Mamiya examine 'Music and the Black Church.' Their reflection provides a useful chronological overview of the developmental phases of Black gospel music in America, such as concerted Spirituals, Spirituals arranged as hymns, Civil Rights Hymnody, Freedom songs, types of contemporary Black church music, social gospel hymnody, hymnlining tradition, and various transitional stages of gospel music, which includes the 'Golden Age' and Contemporary gospel music.101
A more recent publication of Black Church Studies is by Stacey Floyd-Thomas et al102, who make the point that the historical Black Church was the place where many nightclub musicians and singers learnt how to perform in public places.103 Additionally, many noteworthy contemporary Black musicians and performers of Soul and R&B, such as the late James Brown and Aretha Franklin, recognise the importance of Black Church music and how it was their training ground.104
Floyd-Thomas et al also remind us that Black sacred music in the Black Church, such as Spirituals and Black gospel music, came out of the oral tradition of the Black Church,105 and that singing remains one of the cornerstones of the Black worship experience.106
Amidst the literature concerning the Black church and music, there is a collection of essays, where editor James Abbington in Readings in African American Church Music and Worship107 gathers the voices of notable authors to provide a source of essays and articles on music and worship, and this publication is used as a key college text. In this publication, there are altogether seven sections with specific essays that expand on the theological virtues of Black church music, which, in essence, is represented more widely in Black gospel music in America.
In order to emphasise the fact that the Black church is the social centre for Black people in America, the first section of this publication, 'Historical Perspective' starts with extracts of the essay The Souls of Black Folk, by W.E.B. Du Bois.108 The other six sections contain thought provoking essays by clergy and scholars, such as Sister Thea Bowman109, Eileen Southern110, and Obery M. Hendricks111, amongst others.
A most distinguished category of literacy in Black theological discourse regarding Black gospel music in America is Black hymnody. Quintessentially, hymnody is the study of hymns and songs, where lyrical qualities are assessed theologically. Jon Michael Spencer has been most vocal in setting the agenda for hymnological discourse.112 For instance, in his monologue Protest and Praise113, Spencer discharges theological interpretations on what he describes as theomusicology, assessing the historic-theological contexts of Black sacred music. In a notable chapter concerning Black gospel music in particular, Spencer enters into a discourse on the meaning of gospel music, and examines the theological qualities of hymns and songs through an examination of the lyrics of key hymn and songwriters.114
A landmark source however is that of Wyatt Tee Walker, Somebody's Calling My Name.115 Walker escorts the reader through a journey of the development of Black gospel music in America, citing Anthemic Spirituals as the foundation for all forms of Black music in America through the model of a 'music Tree.' Walker traces the relationship between Black sacred music and social change by examining a selection of Spirituals, hymns and songs.
Cheryl J. Sanders, Professor of Christian Ethics, also contributes to the scholarship of hymnody in Saints in Exile.116 From an insider's perspective, Sanders examines the worship experience of those known collectively as Saints in the Sanctified church. She investigates Black gospel music as a product of the sanctified worship experience. Meanwhile, to return to Melva Costen, In Spirit and in Truth117, she examines the basis for the various types of genres in African American worship, by surveying, for instance, the emergence of camp meetings, black-metered hymns, and Pentecostalism.118
From this brief discussion, it is possible to see that Black gospel music in America is an important part of Black theological reflection. As an effective tool it clearly enhances educational development and as a tradition, Black gospel music in America is an effective means of exploring Black religious cultural roots, plus, social and political concerns through a Black theological lens. Unfortunately, however, this is not the case for Black theology in Britain. Before discussing the deficiency of Black theological attention to Black gospel music in Britain, what follows is a brief overview of the development of Black theology in Britain.
Black theology in Britain—an overview of its development
Trailing behind America as a growing intellectual discipline is Black theology from a British context. Although accused of being excessive in its use of literature in Black theology of America119, the development of Black theology in Britain is advancing in its own context. For instance, in a review of a decade of Black theology in Britain, Chigor Chike identifies the development of Black theology in Britain by three streams, namely, the era of slavery; the Caribbean immigration of the 1940s; and the more recent immigration of Africans, and Asians.120 Chike cites an early example of Black theology in the writings of Equiano pertaining to the subject of slavery.121 In 1786, Equiano wrote to a friend regarding the supporters of slavery, 'can any man be a Christian who asserts that one part of the human race were ordained to be in perpetual bondage to another.'122 Here we see a Christian reflection upon the struggle of Black people in Britain needing justice and liberation.
Following the arrival of SS Empire Windrush in June 1948, carrying some 492 Caribbean men and women to Britain, the continuous influx of Caribbean people arriving in Britain on mass invoked new challenges for white Britain, and hostility and rejection became a daily reality for those who migrated from the Caribbean islands to 'Mother Country.' Britain, in particular, the host churches in Britain, now had new 'brothers and sisters' in Christ as neighbours, however, the 'colonial subjects' from the Caribbean were not welcome in the host congregations.123
This state of affairs revealed a racist Britain whereby Black people encountered British racism in three forms. For instance, white people believed that Black people were inferior, therefore hurled public and private insults towards them, and subjected them to anti-social behaviour.124 In the process of the ill-treatment, Black people were considered second-class citizens and therefore pushed to the bottom of the social ladder, experiencing discrimination in employment, poor housing, education, criminal justice system, and social services.125
For Black people attempting to settle in Britain the social conditions were hostile enough, however, at legislative level, the termination of the unrestricted entry of Commonwealth citizens in 1962 sent a clear message of refusal to other intended 'immigrants,' when controls were tightened in 1968. These, and other subsequent immigration controls were deliberate acts to undermine the security of non-British citizens.126
In sum, amidst this crisis of racism levelled towards Black people in British society, Black Christianity positively emerged in Britain. What follows is a brief overview of key texts in Black theological discourse from a British context.
Black theology in Britain—an overview of key texts
In a striking contrast to scholarship in America, Black theological attention to Black gospel music in Britain is limited. Regrettably, nowhere in the literature is there clear evidence of Black gospel music prevailing as a tradition in Britain. Rather, writers merely acknowledge its existence, or fail to engage with the social, cultural, historical, and theological concerns in any meaningful way. It is beyond the scope of this essay however, to mount a detailed survey of Black theological treatment of Black gospel music in Britain; the aim here nevertheless, is to illustrate the overall lack of attention in key texts of Black theology in Britain.
As an example of the unremitting progress of Black theology in Britain, I start with a key source that is considered as a textbook for Black theology in Britain. Black Theology in Britain, edited by Michael N. Jagessar and Anthony G. Reddie127, is a collection of actual writings previously published of Black British theologians. In this single volume text there is a selection of excerpts from significant texts aimed at encapsulating important features or themes in Black theology in Britain. For instance, text that offers contextual narrative to the development of theology; background information to the roots of British religiosity; a number of writings by Robert Beckford; and writings by Black British Christian women such as Valentina Alexander, Kate Coleman, and Lorraine Dixon; plus other significant texts.
The heuristic approach by the editors in terms of the structure of this text is notable; however, nowhere in this textbook is there any treatment of Black gospel music in Britain. Whilst there is some reference to Black music through the writings of Paul Gilroy in his discussion of 'the Black Atlantic,'128 from the absence of Black gospel music in this collection of writings, it appears that Black gospel music in Britain is not a significant theological tool for Black British theologians.
There is one exception however, namely Robert Beckford. Whilst Jagessar and Reddie recognise Beckford as a 'key organic intellectual' on the development of Black theology as a discipline in Britain129, the canon of Beckford is impressively large130, for instance, Jesus is Dread131, Dread and Pentecostal132, God of the Rahtid133, God and the Gangs134, and Jesus Dub.135
Beckford's scholarship tends to provide Black theological reflections on Black cultural concerns in Britain, and he could be reputed as the only Black theologian in Britain so far, to discuss Black gospel music in Britain in any meaningful way. For instance, in his thesis Jesus is Dread136, Beckford reflects on the symbols, icons, and systems within the Black church and Black expressive culture in Britain. He spends some time, albeit brief, to discuss the liturgical integrity of Black British gospel music. In his discussion about Black culture however, his attention is limited. Primarily he sets out to critique Black gospel music in Britain for the lack of lyrical engagement with sociopolitical issues, rather than to use the opportunity to emphasise in more helpful detail that gospel music that comes out of the Black church tradition, serves as an important source of cultural identity and stability.137
Nevertheless, Beckford correctly points out that Black sacred music in popular culture is marginalised, and symbolically writes:
Despite the large number of sociological and anthropological studies on Black popular culture, very few explore or expose the spirituality of Black expressive cultures.138
Amongst the scholars of Black theology in Britain there are Black women theologians such as Valentina Alexander, Kate Coleman, and Lorraine Dixon. Here I will cite two examples of missed opportunities to include Black gospel music in Britain as part of the theological reflections. For instance, Alexander's thesis Breaking Every Fetter?139 is an investigation into the concept of theological liberation, and how it is both interpreted and used by Black Christians in what she describes as Black-led churches in Britain. In her theological investigation however, Alexander does not use the opportunity to deliberate on the relationship between theology and music, in particular, how liberation theology presents itself through the lyrical content and music in Black churches, which is arguably, the bedrock for Black gospel music in Britain.
Meanwhile, here I cite the scholarship of another Black British theologian, in order to draw attention to how the tradition of Black gospel music in America is a preference for Black theological reflection rather than the tradition that has evolved in Britain. For instance, Lorraine Dixon in Teach it Sister!140 reviews the songs sang by Mahalia Jackson, the renowned African American gospel singer of the 1950s and 1960s before her death in 1972. Dixon provides a brief historical background to the development of Black gospel music in America, before reflecting briefly on the undeveloped debate about the origin and definition of the term 'gospel music.' Dixon argues that Mahalia Jackson was a theologian in song, which was shaped by both Womanist and Black theology. The song, We Shall Overcome for example, portrays Mahalia Jackson's commitment to the wholeness and liberation of her own African American people.141
Dixon's choice of artist however, emphasises a critical point. A Black British theologian takes on the task of assessing the theological integrity of a selection of songs sang by Mahalia Jackson, the popular Black gospel figure of America. It could be that at the time of writing Dixon was not aware of the various established artists or those emerging of Black gospel music in Britain. Nevertheless, Dixon, a Black British theologian, fails to attend to the theological qualities of a 'home-grown' Black British gospel singer, and misuses the opportunity to initiate an intellectual theological dialogue on an African American gospel artist rather than to assess the theological qualities of lyrics in Black gospel music in Britain.
As a final look at this brief overview of key texts in Black theology in a British context, it must be said that Britain has a most prolific scholar and writer in Black theology. So far, Research fellow and Consultant in Black theological studies Anthony G. Reddie has published some eleven books, plus some forty articles in Black theology.142 For instance, his publication Faith Stories and the Experience of Black Elders143 is a constructive monologue that observes the significance of working through oral histories provided by the 'Windrush Generation.' This publication makes an important contribution to facilitating the stories and experiences of Black elders on religious and spiritual dimensions. Reddie's main area of scholarship is primarily with the teaching and learning of Christian education through Black theology, however his work rarely mentions music. In his publication Nobodies to Somebodies144, however, he takes a systematic approach to teaching and learning of the Christian faith, paying particular attention to the experiences of multi-ethnic and Black majority inner-city urban churches in Britain. Reddie identifies Black styles of music as an important role in signifying identity and providing an essential resource for engagement and belonging within faith community. 145
Whilst examining the importance of an African-centred approach that reflects the ecclesiological traditions of historic-mainline churches in Britain, Reddie acknowledges the ministry of Soul Spirit, a Black gospel music trio based in a local Methodist Church in Birmingham. Reddie pays tribute the role their music plays in helping to develop a new model of Christian education in the form of music within Methodism. Reddie cites the ministry of Soul Spirit that includes original material influenced by traditional songs, and he uses this group to demonstrate the importance of music in education.
Soul Spirit, however, are barely recognised within the national framework of Black gospel music in Britain, and Reddie's exclusion of identifying and discussing other Black gospel music outfits in Britain raises some questions. Why did he only use a local gospel outfit, rather than acknowledge other gospel outfits, particularly from the Black Pentecostal tradition where there are many examples of longstanding models that depict education in the form of music?146 Additionally, Reddie appears to disregard more longstanding Black gospel music artists and the ongoing contributions they make to education in the form of music.
In sum, the lack of serious attention to Black gospel music in Britain in Black theology in the British context gives the impression that Black gospel music in Britain has little to contribute to the discourse of Black theology in Britain. There is little evidence in Black theological texts of the longstanding tradition of Black gospel music in Britain. I seek however, to test this inference by making suggestions of possible tasks for Black theology in Britain concerning Black gospel music in Britain.
Black theological tasks ahead concerning Black gospel music in Britain
I begin this brief discussion of Black theological tasks with a concise description about the role of Black theologians. Emmanuel Lartey, a pioneer of Black theological thinking in Britain, asserts that:
...theologians are people who reflect upon their faith and attempt to articulate it.... Theology is expressed through many media and in many forms. Art,music, and drama are valid ways through which the fruits of a theologian's efforts may be made known. These can in themselves be theological forms.147
This statement comes from a discussion article first published in 1999 by Lartey148, who seeks to offer theological reflections about the aftermath of the tragic murder of Stephen Lawrence in 1993, and suggests seven specific items on the agenda for Black theologians in Britain.149 Lartey's suggestions could be seen as parameters for Black theological focus within the British context, namely, a Biblical task, historical task, philosophical and cultural education, socio-economic attention, political consideration, psychological analysis, and deliberation of aesthetics. 150 Lartey concedes that although the tasks are clear, they are daunting; nevertheless, if Black theology seeks to engage with the realities of Black people in Britain, each task is imperative.
From the list of seven items in Lartey's agenda, this essay will focus on two, which I believe are most pertinent to Black gospel music in Britain, namely, historical task, and aesthetic. For instance, because of specific historical events that locate Black people in Britain, an important task in Black theology is to trace the heritage of Black gospel music as a musical tradition in Britain. In other words, a historical investigation through a theological lens, of the enslavement and subsequent Christianisation and enculturation of Africans and their descendants in the Caribbean, will help to explain the adoption and adaptation of Christianity amongst Africans and their descendants in the Caribbean. Additionally, the mass migration of African Caribbeans leaving the Caribbean to journey to post war Britain; will help to establish the historical, social, political, and religious particularities inherent in Black Christianity, as many of them carried what Roswith Gerloff termed 'a cultural theological baggage' with them151, which helped to shape the advent of Black gospel music in Britain.
As Lartey suggests, history is sometimes misunderstood and there is a need to set the record straight152, and this is the case for the history of Black gospel music in Britain. Because of the misuse of American literature so far, which contributes to the tendency of applying the American narrative to historical references of Black gospel music in Britain, the historical task is an urgent one for Black theology in Britain. Black theology has an essential role in charting the advent and development of Black gospel music as a tradition in Britain, in order to explain the roots of Black gospel music emerging out of Black Christianity in Britain, and as Jagessar and Reddie explain:
The roots of Black Christianity lay in the counter-hegemonic struggles of Black peoples in the Americas, the Caribbean, and Britain to challenge the worst excesses of oppressive Christian inspired supremacist practices through a radical interpretation of the central tenets of the Christian faith.153
The history of Black gospel music in Britain therefore needs to be unearthed, and more research will unlock the mystery of its advent and evolution in Britain. It is a task waiting to be addressed in the discipline of Black theology. By way of looking at how Black theology can attend to Black gospel music in Britain, here I cite some of the benefits based on Lartey's earlier suggestions of tasks for Black theology in Britain.
First, an important task for Black theology that has largely been ignored is to attend to Black arts, such as, music, drama, and dance. Lartey correctly makes the point that these expressions have so far been condemned as worldly in Black theological thought.154 However, whilst there is a need to claim the heritage inherent in Black expressions of art155, Black theological interest in Black gospel music in Britain will help to authenticate Black gospel music in the British context as a product of Black Christianity. It will also validate its emergence from the distinct liturgical music of Black congregational worship in Britain in the Black church tradition.156
Black theological attention could also authenticate the tradition of Black gospel music in Britain as a vehicle for Black aesthetics and an unequivocal artistic expression of God-talk, with Black cultural significance.
As a subject area, Black gospel music in Britain needs to be seen as an important area of enquiry in scholarship, and part of the enquiry should involve the exploration of key historical points, in order to explain its eschatological emphasis, and how it emerged out of liturgy in the Black church tradition.
Black theological attention to Black gospel music in Britain will authenticate it as an important area of enquiry in scholarship, in order to validate it as a subject area worthy of scrutiny concerning its roots, history, advancement, and significance to Black Christianity in Britain.
In sum, Black theology in Britain has a duty to inform, interpret, and to teach157, therefore as an intellectual discipline it needs to be interdisciplinary in its approach and have more dialogue with other disciplines. 158 To this end, Lartey commends fellow theologian Robert Beckford, for his willingness to adopt 'plurality, interfaith interaction, and dialogue'159, in his publication, Jesus is Dread.160
Embracing other disciplines will assist Black theological thinking in terms of discovering the shaping of Black sacred music. In truth, Black gospel music in Britain is presently an enigma to Black theology in Britain; therefore as a discipline, it has an important role in establishing scholarship for Black gospel music in Britain, in order to advance knowledge and employ it as an effective tool to teach Black theology.
Conclusion
This paper has attempted to demonstrate the lack of attention to Black gospel music in Britain in literature, particularly in Black theology. It highlights an urgent need for a definitive documented history. The absence of history contributes to the ongoing historical misrepresentation of Black gospel music in Britain and the misuse of American literature whereby commentators and observers apply the American historical narrative to explicate the history of Black gospel music in Britain.
The overview of Black theological attention to Black gospel music in America in this essay, demonstrates how Black gospel music can be a vital tool for Black theological reflection, teaching and learning. Black theologians in Britain therefore, can learn from this.
Without a doubt, Black theology in Britain is a compelling discipline that provides theological insights to Black life. As an intellectual and practical entity, it appropriates the activity of God in human history161, using Christian theological ideas in order to make sense of the social, historical, and religious experience of Black people.
Due to the absence of a definitive documented history, assuming as we may that Black gospel music emerged out of Black congregational singing in the Black church tradition; given the context and the circumstances by which it emerged, Black gospel music is a vital tool for Black theology in Britain, and an area in urgent need of theological attention.
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Endnotes
- At the moment I am hesitant to assert a definitive definition for Black gospel music in Britain, as it is an area that is a 'work-in-progress' in my doctoral thesis. Nevertheless, in the meantime, in this essay I refer to the singing tradition that emerged out of Black congregational worship in Black majority churches in Britain, and see the tradition of Black gospel music in Britain as different to that which has emerged in America.
- For a background study of Black Pentecostalism, see Gerloff, Roswith I. H., A Plea for British Black Theologies – the Black Church Movement in Britain in Its Transatlantic Cultural and Theological Interaction (New York: Peter Lang, 1992); MacRobert, Iain, 'Black Pentecostalism in Britain' (Edinburgh: Unpublished, 1997); Hollenweger, Walter J., Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide (Massachusetts: Hendrickson, 1997).
- For a breakdown of the development of churches within the New Testament Church of God, see Brooks, Ira, Where Do We Go from Here (London: Charles Raper, 1982).
- Whilst this is the experience for many African Caribbean migrants of Black Pentecostalism, many others were Methodists, Anglicans, and Baptists. On arrival to England, they sought out their 'home church' in order to maintain their affiliation with these churches. See Wilkinson, John L., Church in Black and White (Edinburgh: Saint Andrew Press, 1993).
- Some African Caribbean men and women came to Britain with the mission to start a church congregation: see Aldred, Joe, Respect – Understanding Caribbean British Christianity (Peterborough: Epworth, 2005); Gerloff, Roswith I. H., A Plea for British Black Theologies – the Black Church Movement in Britain in Its Transatlantic Cultural and Theological Interaction (New York: Peter Lang, 1992) p. 23; Sturge, Mark, Look What the Lord Has Done (Milton Keynes: Scripture Union, 2005) p. 84.
- African Caribbean men and women met in front rooms until it was necessary to find a larger location. After worshipping in school halls, the congregations were able to purchase their own church buildings.
- Smith, Io and Green, Wendy, An Ebony Cross: Being a Black Christian in Britain Today (London: Marshall Pickering, 1989) p. 43.
- Moral codes were linked to the 'holiness tradition', driven by the quest to oppose worldly distractions. See Becher, Virginia, Black Christians: Black Church Traditions in Britain (Birmingham: Centre for Christian Black and White Partnership and Westhill RE Centre, 1995); MacRobert, Iain, The Black Roots and White Racism of Early Pentecostalism in the USA (London: Macmillan Press, 1988).
- For a discussion on how Black Pentecostals spend the bulk of their leisure time involved in activities related to church, and the teaching against worldly entertainment, see MacRobert, Iain, Black Pentecostalism in Britain (Edinburgh: Unpublished, 1997) p. 257. For another helpful background to understanding people who see themselves as 'in the world but not of the world' see Parsons, Gerald, (ed.), The Growth of Religious Diversity: Britain from 1945, vol. 1, Traditions (London: The Open University, 1993); Sanders, Cheryl J., Saints in Exile – the Holiness Pentecostal Experience in African American Religion and Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).
- For a discussion of the importance of music and the use of instruments as an integral part of Caribbean religious experience, see Kortright, Davis, Emancipation Still Comin' - Explorations in Caribbean Emancipatory Theology (New York: Orbis Books, 1990), p. 112.
- The weekly meeting activities would look like this: Mondays, business meeting; Tuesdays, choir practice; Wednesdays, prayer meeting; Thursdays, evangelising; Fridays, young people's night; Saturdays, a convention or church programme to attend.
- See reference to the New Testament Assembly amongst the listings of Black churches in Becher, Virginia, Black Christians: Black Church Traditions in Britain (Birmingham: Centre for Christian Black and White Partnership and Westhill RE Centre, 1995); Sturge, Mark, Look What the Lord Has Done (Milton Keynes: Scripture Union, 2005); Aldred, Joe, Respect – Understanding Caribbean British Christianity (Peterborough: Epworth, 2005); Gerloff, Roswith I. H., A Plea for British Black Theologies – the Black Church Movement in Britain in Its Transatlantic Cultural and Theological Interaction (New York: Peter Lang, 1992).
- Services that had a focus on raising funds for the church were called building programmes and building rallies. During the formative years of the emerging Black Pentecostal churches, this is how many of the churches were able to raise enough funds to purchase their own church buildings.
- A collection of songs authored by White evangelist Ira Sankey during the 19th century. See his biography, Sankey, Ira D., My Life and the Story of the Gospel Hymns: And of Sacred Songs and Solos, 2003 ed. (The Netherlands: Fredonia Books, 1907).
- Tracking is when the lyrics of a hymn or song is either read or recited line-byline in order to guide either group or congregational singing. See Barry Chevannes, (ed.), Rastafari and Other African-Caribbean Worldviews (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1998), p. 5.
- See Sanders, Cheryl J., Saints in Exile – the Holiness Pentecostal Experience in African American Religion and Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 71. From an African American prospective, Sanders usefully explains how Black gospel music is both a product and a by-product of 'having church,' and it is the most appropriate sound, in terms of rhythm, and lyrics, for use in worship.
- For an explanation of how African Caribbean Christians used Jim Reeves for their gospel music, see Bradley, Lloyd, Bass Culture – When Reggae Was King (London: Penguin Books, 2000), p. 17.
- See Hollenweger, Walter J., Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide (Massachusetts: Hendrickson, 1997).
- Sturge, Mark, ibid., p. 100.
- Singing outfits such as the Majestic's, Highgate choir, Simon Wallace and the Angelic Voices Choir and the London Community Choir to name just a few.
- Most African Caribbean men and women came to post war Britain with little more than a valid passport and a small amount of savings. Nevertheless, church members continuously contributed to fundraising in order to help purchase church buildings.
- For a discussion of Black churches in Britain and a suggestion of three typologies of the Black church, see Reddie, Anthony G., Black Theology in Transatlantic Dialogue (Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006) pp. 48-49.
- Although the first organised Black gospel groups in Britain are believed to have emerged from the Seventh Day Adventists tradition, the majority of artists came out of the Black Pentecostal tradition. See Broughton, Viv, Black Gospel – an Illustrated History of the Gospel Sound (Dorset: Blandford Press, 1985) pp. 138- 157.
- Artists such as John Francis and the Inspirational Choir, Paradise, London community Gospel Choir, The Majestic Singers, Merrybells, Dalton Kerr, Lavine Husdon.
- Initially, many of the recordings were largely available by import; however, with new distribution deals in Britain, Black gospel music of America became easily available.
- For instance, the MOBO Awards (Music of Black Origin Awards) has a category for 'Black gospel music artist.' The most recent winner for that category is Jahaziel (2008).
- Jackson, Joyce Marie, 'The Changing Nature of Gospel Music: A Southern Case Study', African American Review 29, no. 2 (1995).
- This seems to be the consensus amongst scholars of Black gospel music in America based on the autobiographical details of former Blues artist Thomas A. Dorsey who is attributed as one of the founding figures of Black gospel music in America, and the father of Gospel Blues. Dorsey renounced his career as an accomplished blues and jazz pianist composer, to become, as he describes, 'a great singer and worker in the kingdom.' See Harris, Michael W., The Rise of Gospel Blues – the Music of Thomas Andrew Dorsey in the Urban Church (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 75.
- See Darden, Robert, People Get Ready! – a History of Black Gospel Music (New York: Continuum, 2004); Reagon, Bernice Johnson, If You Don't Go, Don't Hinder Me: The African American Sacred Song Tradition (London: University of Nebraska Press, 2001); Reagon, Bernice Johnson, (ed.), We'll Understand It Better By and By, (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992).
- See Pinn, Anthony B., (ed.), Noise and Spirit (New York: New York University Press, 2003); Pinn, Anthony B., Why Lord? Suffering and Evil in Black Theology (New York: Continuum, 1995), pp. 21-38; Williams, Juan and Dixie, Quinton, This Far by Faith (New York: HarperCollins, 2003).
- See Dyson, Michael Eric, Reflecting Black – African American Cultural Criticism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993).
- Boyer, Horace Clarence, The Golden Age of Gospel (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1995); Reed, Theresa L., The Holy Profane – Religion in Black Popular Music (Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky, 2003); Southern, Eileen, The Music of Black Americans – a History, 3rd ed. (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1997).
- Harris, Michael W., ibid.
- Orgill, Roxane, Mahalia: A Life in Gospel Music, (Cambridge Massachusetts: Candlewick Press, 2002); Schwein, Jules, Go Tell It: Mahalia Jackson Queen of Gospel (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992).
- Jackson, Jerma A., Singing in My Soul – Black Gospel Music in a Secular Age (London: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004).
- Heilbut, Anthony, The Gospel Sound – Good News and Bad Times (Updated and Revised) (New York: Limelight Editions, 1997).
- Caesar, Shirley, The Lady, the Melody, and the Word (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1998).
- Franklin, Kirk, Church Boy – an Autobiography (Nashville: Word, 1998).
- Carpenter, Bil, Uncloudy Days: The Gospel Music Encyclopedia (San Francisco: Backbeat books, 2005).
- McNeil, W. K., (ed.), Encyclopedia of American Gospel Music (London: Routledge, 2005).
- McNeil, W. K., (ed.), ibid., pp. 19-20.
- McNeil, W. K., (ed.), ibid., pp. 435-436.
- Jackson, Joyce Marie, 'The Changing Nature of Gospel Music: A Southern Case Study', African American Review 29, no. 2 (1995).
- Broughton,Viv, Black Gospel – an Illustrated History of the Gospel Sound (Dorset: Blandford Press, 1985).
- For instance, the Mighty Clouds of Joy, the Dixie Hummingbirds, the Five Blind Boys of Mississippi, Clara Ward and Rosetta Tharpe. See MCA Records © and (P) 1985, MCLD 614.
- Broughton, Viv, ibid., p. 45.
- Broughton, Viv, ibid., pp. 61-74.
- Broughton, Viv, ibid., p. 83.
- Broughton, Viv, ibid., p. 84.
- Broughton lists notables such as Basil Meade, The Doyley Brothers, John Francis, Paradise and Lavine Hudson. See Broughton, Viv, ibid., pp. 144-150.
- Broughton, Viv, ibid., pp. 140 -141.
- See Broughton, Viv, Too Close to Heaven – the Illustrated History of Gospel Music (London: Midnight Books, 1996). A supplementary television documentary supported this publication featuring interviews with key Black gospel artists of America.
- This publication accompanies the television documentary of the same title.
- Such as in the media, and record contracts and sales.
- A contentious term. For a debate about identifying Black churches or Black majority churches, see Trotman, Arlington, 'Black, Black-Led or What?', in Edwards, Joel, (ed.), Let's Praise Him Again (Eastbourne: Kingsway, 1992), reprinted in Sturge, Mark, ibid. For a more recent discussion on how the 'Black churches' can be classified, see Reddie, Anthony, 'Churches', in Dabydeen, David, Gilmore, John and Jones, Cecily, (eds.) The Oxford Companion to Black British History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).
- Broughton, Viv, ibid., p. 134.
- The origin of Black gospel music is perpetually attributed to the descendants of Africans in America and the creation and development of Spirituals.
- Dabydeen, David, Gilmore, John and Jones, Cecily, (eds.) ibid.
- Dabydeen, David, Gilmore, John and Jones, Cecily, (eds.) ibid., p. 192.
- Dabydeen, David, Gilmore, John and Jones, Cecily, (eds.) ibid., p. 192.
- Moore, Brian and Johnson, Michele A., Neither Led nor Driven (Jamaica: University of West Indies Press, 2004), p. 176.
- Such as: Steal Away; Nobody Knows the Trouble I See; My Soul's Been Anchored in the Lord; Hush, Hush, Somebody's Calling My Name; and I Want Jesus to Walk With Me.
- In the Caribbean Africans and their descendants sang traditional work songs to lighten labour and more. Music helped them to communicate and discreetly protest against the system. Africans and their descendants enslaved in the Caribbean collectively composed songs for fieldwork. For a description of music and lore of Africans enslaved in the Caribbean from the early 16th century, see Lewin, Olive, Rock It Come Over: The Folk Music of Jamaica (Jamaica: The University of the West Indies Press, 2000).
- Wright, Jeremiah A., 'An Underground Theology', in Hopkins, D., (ed.), Black Faith and Public Talk: Critical Essays on James H. Cone: Black Theology and Black Power (New York: Orbis, 1999), p. 96.
- Wright, Jeremiah A., ibid., p. 96.
- McKenzie, Everal, (ed.), Jamaica Proverbs and Culture Explained (Jamaica: Blue Mountain Media, 2004) p. 15.
- Usry, Glen, and Keener, Craig S., Black Man's Religion (Illinois: InterVarsity Press, 1996) p. 12.
- See Gilroy, Paul, Black Atlantic – Modernity and Double Consciousness (London: Verso, 1993).
- See Gilroy, Paul, ibid.
- See Braithwaite, Kamau, The Development of Creole Society in Jamaican (Kingston: Ian Randle, 2005); Frey, Sylvia R., and Wood, Betty, Come Shouting to Zion – African American Protestantism in the American South and British Caribbean to 1830 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1998).
- Cone, James, For My People: Black Theology and the Black Church (New York: Orbis Books, 1984).
- Washington, Joseph R., Black Religion: The Negro and Christianity in the United States (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964).
- Cone, James, ibid., p. 6.
- Cone, James, ibid., p. 7.
- Wilmore, Gayraud S., and Cone, James H., (eds.), Black Theology: A Documentary History, 1966 - 1979 (New York: Orbis Books, 1979), p. 101.
- Cone, James, ibid., p. 5.
- Wilmore, Gayraud S., 'Pastoral Ministry in the Origin and Development of Black Theology', in Cone, James H., and Wilmore, Gayraud S., (eds.), Black Theology: A Documentary History Volume 2 (1980 - 1992), (New York: Orbis, 1993), p. 117.
- Wilmore, Gayraud S., ibid., pp. 117-118.
- Hopkins, Dwight, Introducing Black Theology of Liberation (New York: Orbis, 1999), pp. 167-180.
- Cone, James, ibid., p. 5.
- Ware, Frederick L., Methodologies of Black Theology (Cleveland, Ohio: The Pilgrim Press, 2002).
- Ware suggests that this school of theology centres on liberation, as defined by biblical conceptions of God's liberating activity, using the bible, and black experience as some of the sources. Ware lists some of the main scholars in the hermeneutical school of black theology as Katie Cannon, Kelly Brown Douglas, Jacquelyn Grant, James Cone, Dwight Hopkins, J. Deotis Roberts, and Gayraud Wilmore. See Ware, Frederick L., ibid., Preface.
- Ware suggests that the black philosophical school of theology uses areas external to theology and faith, such as reason that is exercised in philosophical traditions like humanism, metaphysics and pragmatism. The method of enquiry is philosophical and empirical analysis, and logical argument, as well as biblical and philosophical hermeneutics. Prominent scholars are Anthony Pinn, Alice Walker, and Cornel West. See Ware, Frederick L., ibid., Preface.
- This third school takes on a descriptive role in its task of Black theology, centring on empowerment, transformation and overcoming various conditions of human life in order to gain knowledge for multiple of purposes, particularly for intellectual development in Black theology. Ware identifies Key scholars such as Cheyl Townesnd Gilkes, C. Eric Lincoln, and Charles Long. Ware, Frederick L., ibid., Preface.
- Warren, Gwendolin Sims, Ev'ry Time I Feel the Spirit (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1997), p. 14.
- Although Spirituals have been overwhelmingly credited to Africans as their own, there are critics who have denied this source of origin. For a discussion on this see Johnson, James Weldon and Johnson, Rosamond, The Books of American Negro Spirituals (Da Capo Press, 1925; reprint, 1969), pp. 11-50.
- Costen, Melva Wilson, In Spirit and in Truth – the Music of African American Worship (London: Westminster John Knox Press, 2004), p 11
- Pinn, Anthony B.,Why Lord? Suffering and Evil in Black Theology (New York: Continuum, 1995).
- Pinn, Anthony B.,ibid., p. 23.
- Cone, James, The Spirituals and the Blues – an Interpretation (New York: Orbis Books, 1992; reprint, 9th, February 2003).
- Cone, James, ibid., p. 9-19.
- Cone, James, ibid., p. 129-130.
- Kirk-Duggan, Cheryl A., Exorcizing Evil: A Womanist Perspective on the Spirituals (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1997).
- Kirk-Duggan, Cheryl A., ibid.
- Smith, Yolanda Y., Reclaiming the Spirituals (Cleveland The Pilgrim Press, 2004).
- Smith, Yolanda Y., ibid.
- Moses, Oral L., 'The Nineteenth-Century Spiritual Text: A Source for Modern Gospel' in Keck, George R. and Martin, Sherrill V., (eds.) Feel the Spirit: Studies in Nineteenth-Century Afro-American Music (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), p. 49.
- Cone, James, ibid., p. 130.
- Lincoln, C. Eric and Mamiya, Lawrence H., The Black Church in the African American Experience (London: Duke University Press, 1990).
- See Lincoln, C. Eric and Mamiya, Lawrence H., ibid.
- Lincoln, C. Eric and Mamiya, Lawrence H., ibid., pp. 346-381.
- Floyd-Thomas, Stacey et al., Black Church Studies: An Introduction (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2007).
- Floyd-Thomas, Stacey et al., ibid., pp. 26-27.
- Floyd-Thomas, Stacey et al., ibid., p. 105.
- Floyd-Thomas, Stacey et al., ibid., p. 105.
- Floyd-Thomas, Stacey et al., ibid., p. 105.
- Abbington, James, (ed.), Readings in African American Church Music and Worship (Chicago: GIA, Inc, 2001).
- Burghardt, William Edward, 'Of the Faith of the Fathers', in Abbington, James, (ed.), ibid., p. 3-13.
- Bowman, Thea, 'The Gift of African American Sacred Song', in Abbington, James, (ed.), ibid., p. 209-216.
- Southern, Eileen, 'Hymnals of the Black Church', in Abbington, James, (ed.), ibid, p. 137-151.
- Hendricks, Obery M., 'I Am the Holy Dope Dealer: The Problem with Gospel Music Today', in Abbington, James, (ed.), ibid., p. 137-151.
- See Spencer, Jon Michael, Black Hymnody – a Hymnological History of the African-American Church (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1992); Spencer, Jon Michael, Protest and Praise – Sacred Music of Black Religion (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990); Spencer, Jon Michael, Sing a New Song – Liberating Black Hymnody (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995).
- Spencer, Jon Michael, Protest and Praise – Sacred Music of Black Religion (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990).
- Spencer, Jon Michael, ibid., pp. 199-223.
- See Walker, Wyatt Tee, Somebody's Calling My Name – Black Sacred Music and Social Change (Valley Forge: Judson Press, 1979).
- See Sanders, Cheryl J., Saints in Exile – the Holiness Pentecostal Experience in African American Religion and Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).
- See Costen, Melva Wilson, In Spirit and in Truth – the Music of African American Worship (London: Westminster John Knox Press, 2004).
- Costen, Melva Wilson, ibid., pp. 26-73.
- Reid-Salmon, Delroy A., 'A Sin of Black Theology: The Omission of the Caribbean Diasporan Experience from Black Theological Discourse', Black Theology vol. 6, no. 2, (2008).
- Chike, Chigor, 'Black Theology in Britain – One Decade On', Black Theology vol. 4, no. 2, (2006).
- Chike, Chigor, ibid., p. 193.
- Chike, Chigor, ibid., p. 194. See also Fryer, Peter, Staying Power – the History of Black People in Britain (London: Pluto Press, 1984), p. 109 & p. 515.
- Wilkinson, John L., Church in Black and White (Edinburgh: Saint Andrew Press, 1993), p 33.
- Wilkinson, John L., ibid., p. 31.
- Wilkinson, John L., ibid., p. 31.
- Wilkinson, John L., ibid., p. 32.
- Jagessar, Michael N. and Reddie, Anthony G., (eds.), Black Theology in Britain (London: Equinox, 2007).
- Jagessar, Michael N. and Reddie, Anthony G., (eds.), ibid., pp. 30-31. For a full reading of Gilroy's thesis, see Gilroy, Paul, Black Atlantic – Modernity and Double Consciousness (London: Verso, 1993).
- Jagessar, Michael N. and Reddie, Anthony G., (eds.), ibid., p. 82.
- Jagessar, Michael N. and Reddie, Anthony G., (eds.), ibid., p. 18.
- Beckford, Robert, Jesus Is Dread: Black Theology and Black Culture in Britain (London: Darton, Logan and Todd, 1999).
- Beckford, Robert, Dread and Pentecostal: A Political Theology for the Black Church in Britain (London: SPCK, 2000).
- Beckford, Robert, God of the Rahtid: Redeeming Rage (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 2001).
- Beckford, Robert, God and the Gangs: An Urban Toolkit for Those Who Won't Be Sold out, Brought out or Scared Out (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 2004).
- Beckford, Robert, Jesus Dub: Theology, Music and Social Change (London: Routledge, 2006).
- See Beckford, Robert, Jesus Is Dread: Black Theology and Black Culture in Britain (London: Darton, Logan and Todd, 1999).
- Beckford, Robert, ibid., p. 16.
- Beckford, Robert, ibid., p. 16.
- Beckford, Robert, ibid., p. 16.
- Alexander, Valentina, 'Breaking Every Fetter? To What Extent Has the Black Led Church in Britain Developed a Theology of Liberation?' (University of Warwick, 1996).
- Dixon, Lorraine, 'Teach It, Sister! Mahalia Jackson as Theologian in Song', Black Theology in Britain: a Journal of Contextual Praxis, no. 2, (1999).
- Dixon, Lorraine, ibid., p. 80.
- For instance, see Reddie, Anthony G., Black Theology in Transatlantic Dialogue (Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), Reddie, Anthony G., Dramatizing Theologies – a Participative Approach to Black God-Talk (London: Equinox, 2006), Reddie, Anthony G., Faith Stories and the Experience of Black Elders (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2001), Reddie, Anthony G., Nobodies to Somebodies: A Practical Theology for Education and Liberation (Peterborough: Epworth Press, 2003). 143 Reddie, Anthony G., Faith Stories and the Experience of Black Elders (London: Jessica Kingsley, 2001).
- See Reddie, Anthony G., Nobodies to Somebodies: A Practical Theology for Education and Liberation (Peterborough: Epworth Press, 2003).
- Reddie, Anthony G., Nobodies to Somebodies: A Practical Theology for Education and Liberation (Peterborough: Epworth Press, 2003), p. 172.
- For instance, many Black gospel music artists in Britain conduct workshops, visit schools and youth meetings to share aspects of gospel music—artists such as the Witness, Freddi Kofi and LCGC.
- Lartey, Emmanuel Y., 'After Stephen Lawrence: Characteristics and Agenda for Black Theology in Britain', Black Theology in Britain: a Journal of Contextual Praxis, no. 3, (1999), p. 81.
- Lartey, Emmanuel Y., 'After Stephen Lawrence: Characteristics and Agenda for Black Theology in Britain', republished in Jagessar, Michael N. and Reddie, Anthony G., (eds.), Black Theology in Britain (London: Equinox, 2007), pp. 288- 307.
- Lartey, Emmanuel Y., ibid., pp. 87-91.
- Lartey, Emmanuel Y., ibid., pp. 87-91.
- Gerloff, Roswith I. H., A Plea for British Black Theologies – the Black Church Movement in Britain in Its Transatlantic Cultural and Theological Interaction (New York: Peter Lang, 1992), p. 23.
- Lartey, Emmanuel Y., ibid., p. 88.
- Jagessar, Michael N. and Reddie, Anthony G., (eds.)ibid., p. 2.
- Lartey, Emmanuel Y., ibid., p. 90.
- Lartey, Emmanuel Y., ibid., p. 91.
- Edwards, Joel, Let's Praise Him Again, (Eastbourne: Kingsway, 1992), p. 75.
- Roberts, J. Deotis, Black Theology in Dialogue (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1987), p. 117.
- Roberts, J. Deotis, ibid., p. 16.
- Lartey, Emmanuel Y., ibid., p. 85.
- See Beckford, Robert, ibid.
- Floyd-Thomas, Stacey, Floyd-Thomas, Juan, Duncan, Carol B., Ray, Stephen G. and Westfield, Nancy Lynne, Black Church Studies: An Introduction (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2007).
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