DISKUS Volume 6 (2000) http://www.uni-marburg.de/fb03/religionswissenschaft/journal/diskus NATURE, THE NATURAL AND PAGAN IDENTITY Marion Bowman Senior Lecturer, Religious Studies The Open University, UK Email: m.i.bowman@open.ac.uk -------------------- ABSTRACT Intense valorisation of nature and the natural is widely believed to be one of the hallmarks of contemporary paganism. This article explores different pagan attitudes to and interaction with nature in the context of an emergent pagan community in Newfoundland, and the extent to which the experience of pagan pluralism at a pan-pagan gathering in Atlantic Canada highlighted some issues and ambiguities in relation to nature and pagan identity. This data is used to draw broader conclusions about the role of nature in pagan identity and to suggest its assumed centrality should be questioned ----------------------- Many have come to paganism through environmental awareness, concern about humanity's impact on nature, and a determination to forge a new relationship - or renew an old acquaintance - with the earth. This deeply felt connection with nature comes out in myriad ways, such as Dragon's 'eco-magick' and environmental activities, pagan tree-planting schemes, road protest and pagan prose and poetry: O, the life of the Druid is the life of the land. We are one with the dark earth on which we proudly stand One with the Mother who has suckled us from birth, Her streams and her rivers, we are one with the earth ... (Philip Shallcrass, The Druid and the Land) Nature is a powerful image and rallying point for pagans (see Harvey & Hardman, eds, 1996; Harvey, 1997; Pearson, Roberts and Samuel, eds 1999), and, claims Harvey, 'Nature itself is formative of the character of Paganism' (1997:188). For some, nature religion and paganism are synonymous. But what is actually meant by 'nature' in paganism, and to what extent is pagan identity defined in relation to 'nature'? Will nature remain a rallying point or might it become, in situations of pagan pluralism, a flashpoint for a challenge to paganism's self-perception of tolerance? In a tradition which stresses the importance of personal responsibility, what happens when some pagans behave towards 'nature' in a way that others regard as irresponsible? Pagans often pride themselves on a relationship with and attitude towards nature with which other traditions (most notably Christianity) are compared less favourably. However, just as there is a variety of views of nature within Christianity, from dominion theology through stewardship to creation spirituality, pagan interactions with nature and what is thought to constitute 'natural behaviour' can be immensely varied. Natural behaviour is itself an ambiguous notion, which can be construed to mean both behaviour which is deemed to be natural and / or behaviour in relation to the natural world. Paganism is not one religion or spiritual path but a family of traditions, with assorted and idiosyncratic members. Thus what pagans consider natural and how they interact with nature is, like paganism itself, immensely varied. There is, after all, no single 'identikit' pagan. Contemporary pagans might be anarchic, left wing, liberal, conservative, monarchist, right wing, apolitical; individualistic, communistic, tribal, egalitarian, authoritarian, hierarchical; gender-aware, sexist; pacifist, militaristic; universalist, fundamentalist; smoker, non-smoker, 'stimulant' user, drinker, abstainer; vegan, vegetarian, semi-vegetarian (meat is murder, fish is justifiable piscicide), organic/compassionate farming carnivorous, omnivorous. Moreover, the pagan past is varied, by which I mean not simply that paganism has taken many forms in the past - monotheism, duotheism, polytheism, pantheism - but that pagans can have rather disparate views of the past. For some the prototype is a polytheistic, sacrificial, hierarchical, warrior-based, hunting, hard-drinking and carnivorous lifestyle with rather a patriarchal (indeed 'laddish') bent; others look back to a Goddess infused, feminine oriented, peaceful, egalitarian and ecologically aware paradigm. Depending on what brand of paganism people subscribe to, what past they seek to recapture, or what future they hope to create, ideas concerning both nature and appropriate or natural behaviour must vary. Those who see themselves as revivers of the spirit rather than of the historical detail of paganism nevertheless have to face lifestyle choices which impact on nature. There have been numerous calls in recent years for the development of Pagan theology / thealogy, and the issue of pagan ethics too is clearly one which needs further exploration. The maxim 'Do what thou wilt but harm none' (and variations) is accepted by many pagans, but 'harm' needs some unpacking as a concept, and clarification as to who and what might be included in 'none' is necessary, as there are clearly implications here for what is to be construed as appropriate behaviour both in relation to other people and towards nature (where indeed these are seen as separate). NEWFOUNDLAND In the summer of 1995 I spent a month conducting fieldwork on the growth of religious pluralism in Newfoundland, Canada <1>. Of particular interest to me was the pagan presence there, much of which has been, and to some extent still is, under cover. My field trip also coincided with the Avalon East Pagan Gathering (AEPG), a pan-pagan gathering held in another rural part of Atlantic Canada, which I attended as a participant observer with three Newfoundland pagans. For many in the region, this Gathering was their first opportunity to come together with other pagans for ritual and social purposes, and to encounter a variety of ways of being pagan. The initial focus of my fieldwork was the growth of religious pluralism in Newfoundland. The native peoples of Newfoundland were the Beothuk (who no longer survive), and the Micmac, now mostly settled on the Micmac Territory Conne River Reserve. Newfoundland was one of the earliest sites of European settlement in North America -- Vikings found their way there -- but it was the French and British, attracted by the rich cod fisheries of the Grand Banks, who made the greater impact. After the expulsion of the French, Newfoundland was settled primarily by West Country English and Southern Irish. Having been an independent Dominion, then briefly a British Protectorate, Newfoundland only formally became part of Canada in 1949. Well into the 20th century, the traditional economy was based on a combination of seasonal activities including fishing, seal hunting, lumbering, hunting rabbits and moose, growing root vegetables and collecting berries. In a frequently harsh, small-scale subsistence existence, people were all too aware of nature and her awesome powers. Many outports (coastal settlements) could only be accessed by sea, and it was not uncommon for communities to be completely cut off at the height of winter with frozen harbours or snow-blocked roads. As one woman said of life in her community before the advent of electricity and the road connection in the 1960s, 'Twas the roughest kind of life'. CHANGING TIMES Newfoundland has, however, undergone great social, economic, religious and educational upheaval in recent years. There has been a noticeable drift away from churches generally, but disillusionment has been particularly marked among Catholics, in the wake of a number of shocking and well-publicised scandals involving sexual abuse of children by Church personnel. Various traditional industries have declined, and over-fishing in the waters around the Atlantic provinces has led to an indefinite 'cod moratorium'. With the cessation of the cod fishery, Newfoundland has basically lost its raison d'etre. One side effect of this has been the need to develop economic alternatives, including eco-tourism. There has been the discovery that tourists (and Newfoundlanders) will pay to visit puffin colonies, go whale watching, or simply enjoy a sail in a schooner, or that outsiders (CFAs or 'Come From Aways' in Newfoundland parlance) are fascinated by the offshore icebergs which signal the start of summer. To some extent Newfoundlanders are being forced to reappraise nature in light of how outsiders perceive it and how it can be utilised in new and creative ways in the present circumstances. With the growth of religious diversity, in addition to changes in economic and environmental conditions, has come some reassessment of the land and different slants on what is happening to it. One Newfoundland member of a Buddhist group saw the cod moratorium as a lesson in learning to be detached. One self-identified 'New Ager' felt that through the loss of traditional activities, Newfoundlanders would be forced to recognise the island's true destiny as a place of healing and reappraise their relationship with nature. PAGANISM IN NEWFOUNDLAND There is, naturally, variety within paganism in Newfoundland. The pagans in groups I encountered were basically Wiccan or Wiccan-derived, although there seems to be some history of occult, Rosicrucian and Gardnerian activity on the island. There are also self-styled 'traditional' witches, and a number of solitaries, literary pagans who work alone from books which some feel constrained to keep hidden. It is hard to determine the number of practising pagans in Newfoundland, for there is still some caution over self-identifying as a pagan, and worries about loss of livelihood, social rejection and even threats to personal security which might result from being discovered to be pagan <2>. In St John's, the capital city, the great majority of the pagans with whom I was able to make contact belonged to all-female groups and they often articulated their reaction against the Church and patriarchy. One woman involved in a 'very loose, very informal' group of older females which meets infrequently spoke of 'a hunger in St John's among women in particular for some kind of connection back with nature, as opposed to traditional religions which aren't footing the bill for them'. This group is tentatively developing its own rituals, an example being the 1995 summer solstice when they took 'some stuff from books' (including Starhawk's The Spiral Dance, 1989) but tried to make it appropriate to Newfoundland: 'we wanted to relate it to our fish, our seas, our icebergs, our trees.' The idea of 'reverence for Mother Earth' was very important to them. In another small but significant female group, drumming and chanting had become particularly important means of expression, worship and healing. The initiator of this group is known as Drumwoman, who thinks of Wicca as being 'European aboriginal'. Drumwoman, who was a solitary for about three years before tentatively making contacts, reiterated the problem of finding kindred spirits in a climate of fear and secrecy. In summer 1995 Drumwoman had discreetly advertised a public summer solstice ceremony, feeling that it was 'time to put down a marker' of the pagan presence in Newfoundland. The event attracted 18 people, male and female (including a radio journalist and her sound technician). The ritual provided the desired opportunity for contact; as one woman said, 'I've been hungry for this for so long'. There was a variety of ways in which closeness to and awareness of nature was being expressed by the Newfoundland pagans I encountered: interest in gardening, herbs and healing plants; keeping the eightfold calendar (even if it does not entirely coincide with the Newfoundland climate and seasons, an example being the indoor Maypole I was shown); and a variety of attitudes to food. One woman, having spent a weekend with 'a more traditional witch', had decided to attempt to become vegetarian but was determined 'not to make a big thing of it' and not, for example, to refuse a meal involving meat if she was out visiting and someone had been kind enough to cook for her. Another, while cooking some fresh fish, commented that she felt it was important to take care over cooking fish and make the best of it, as you were showing reverence not just for the creature itself but for the people who had risked their lives providing it for you. One young woman simply concluded that you could not have respect for your body and your fellow creatures and eat meat - although, observably, smoking tobacco and other substances was acceptable. The Newfoundland experience and appraisal of nature have undergone some dramatic changes, both in terms of external forces such as the cod moratorium and in relation to changing religious orientations. Paganism in Newfoundland is taking a variety of forms and people are exploring different ways of experiencing and expressing their beliefs. If there was one common factor among the pagans I encountered in 1995, it was probably the feeling of constraint imposed by what they perceived as an essentially hostile social environment, and there had been little contact between pagans of different persuasions. The Avalon East Pagan Gathering was to provide Atlantic Canadian pagans with a splendid opportunity for experiencing pagan pluralism. THE AVALON EAST PAGAN GATHERING In August 1995 the first Avalon East Pagan Gathering was held in rural Nova Scotia. The event was advertised as 'A Festival of Pagans, Witches and Goddess Worshippers gathering together in celebration of the Old Ways' (Hecate's Loom No.29, Lammas 1995: 390) <3>. The AEPG site was an area of privately owned woodland near Annapolis Royal, a beautiful setting on the Bay of Fundy coast. While one part of Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, is overtly Scottish, with settlers of highland, Gaelic-speaking descent, western Nova Scotia is where many British Empire Loyalists settled, granted land in this comparatively rich, fertile part of the colony when they moved north after American independence. The Gardnerian organiser of the AEPG had been greatly affected by reading Mists of Avalon (Bradley 1984), and had taken the craft name Albion. Fiercely traditionalist, he stated that if the Queen ceased to be head of state in Canada he would seek political asylum in Britain! Paganism in Atlantic Canada is difficult to map. At the time of the gathering, while Halifax and Truro had flourishing pagan scenes, elsewhere there were familiar problems of fear and isolation. The organiser had received a number of letters from New Brunswick, for example, each almost identical, along the lines 'we think we are the only pagans in the province...'. Some attendees had been warned by friends and relatives not to attend for fear of police interference. There was a rumour that Pentecostals from a nearby community had found out about the Gathering and intended to stage some sort of raid. Nevertheless, although the organiser had hoped for 50, in the end c.120 arrived for the Gathering, including three Newfoundlanders, who had found out about it through Hecate's Loom (a Canadian Pagan magazine), and were 'drawn to experience a larger community.' As the weekend progressed, various issues relating to nature, such as humanity's relationship with the natural world and what constitutes 'natural' behaviour for pagans, were raised. While the common bond of reverence for nature was assumed, the diversity underlying that unity was highlighted at several junctures. Solitaries and pagans from differing traditions were brought into contact with each other, with views and assumptions which some found challenging or disconcerting, puzzling or improper, enlightening or shocking. OUTLINE OF RITUALS AND ACTIVITIES In casting the circle for the first Gathering ritual on the Friday evening involving around 80 people, much was made of the idea of protection, the creation of a safe as well as a sacred space. Everyone was invited into the centre of the circle to throw a handful of barley into the fire, saying their names (personal or craft) and what they considered they had brought to the gathering ( e.g. organisation, hope, excitement, lots of kids, certainty). The appearance of a rainbow at the closing of the circle was taken as an immensely good omen. During the day there were workshops on a variety of topics - Creating Sacred Images, Spinning and the Goddess, Pagans and the Media, Organizing Pagan Communities, Songs and Chants, Micmac Uses of Native Plants, and Introductions to Astrology, Asatru (the Northern or Norse Tradition), Runes, and Gardnerian Wicca. All were conducted in a spirit of sharing and encouraging understanding, although there were occasional limits to this. As the Gardnerian tradition is initiatory (i.e. there are different degrees of knowledge), in the Gardnerian session some questions from an uninitiated audience had to receive the answer 'Sorry, I can't tell you'. There were a number of stalls selling literature, jewellery, incense, smudge sticks, dream catchers, and clothes. By Saturday night, there were 120 at the ritual, which was dedicated to 'MARI, Mother Sea.' At the start of the ritual, everyone was invited 'As celebrants of our fellowship, and as a token of respect for "Mother Sea"', to file past a pile of sea pebbles and shells and take one into the circle and retain it as a memento. Towards the end of the ritual, a circle dance was performed at the close of which people were invited 'to sink to the ground to become one with Mother Earth'. A number of people had brought robes or ritual garb; some of those who hadn't, improvised with circlets of flowers and grasses. After the main ritual, while preparations were being made for the Feast, there was also an Asatru ritual held down on the shore attended by those intrepid enough to make it down a muddy, irregular path in the dark. The ritual culminated in the torching of a raft of offerings, to be taken out to sea by the tide. After the Saturday night rituals, the evening was rounded off with a Feast and Bardic Competition, including a performance by the choir formed at the Songs and Chants workshop, drumming, poetry and song, and a pig roast. For the majority of the participants, the Gathering seemed to be an exhilarating, enlightening and emotional experience. Again and again in conversation people spoke of feeling secure, being part of a community, being able to relax among kindred spirits. As one young Nova Scotian woman said, 'It was all I ever dreamed of, but never believed could actually exist'. Having practiced as solitaries or in comparatively small groups, some described the sensation of being in a ritual circle of 80 on the Friday night, and 120 on the Saturday as 'awesome', overwhelming', 'powerful', extraordinary', 'scary', 'odd'. Observing and participating in rituals different from their own practice alerted people to the variety of ways of doing things. One woman from an all women group said she had been 'so hungry for the Goddess' that she had 'never felt the need of a God'; however, she had been impressed by discussions with a male pagan, both concerning his understanding of how the Goddess relates to men, and on the issue of balance and complimentarity in divinity. There was some adjustment to be made between those who took God(s), Goddess(es) and fairyfolk literally and those who saw them as metaphors or archetypes. While there is considerable variety within paganism, certain things have the status of 'common knowledge' or received wisdom: pagans respect nature; revere the earth as sacred; are tolerant; are 'different'. However, paganism is sectarian, and there are significant differences between pagans. Just as there is diversity between religions, there is also diversity within spiritual traditions and in that respect paganism is no exception. At the Gathering, although the common bond of reverence for nature was assumed and indeed affirmed in some of the ritual activity and workshops, people were repeatedly encountering fellow pagans who either did not live up to their expectations or simply acted in unexpected ways. The Gathering had provided a safe haven, in which pagans felt they could 'act naturally'. But differing ways in which acting naturally might be understood and expressed emerged in the course of the weekend. Some were familiar with costuming, some found it ostentatious; one person found the ritual garb of the Gardnerians which reflected hierarchy 'like a uniform'. One interested (rather than committed) attendee felt that she could understand people wanting to revere and get close to nature, but found 'dressing up and speaking in obviously made-up olde English' (a reference to the Gardnerian ritual) a real 'sticking point': 'What's natural about that?'. <4> The Saturday night Asatru ritual had been yet another novel experience for some, though there was comment that it had been rather disruptive, taking people away from the Feast preparation and risking upstaging the main ritual. One young woman found the issue of sacrifice in relation to the Asatru ritual genuinely puzzling, and felt annoyed that they were 'dumping stuff in the sea, just like everyone else'. Another expressed a concern that the offerings (including a ceremonial shirt bearing runic inscriptions) would be washed up down the coast, causing scandal and satanic scares. Some observers were taken aback that gasoline was poured over the raft before it was set on fire. Nevertheless, a couple of non-Asatru observers had asked to add their floral head-dresses to the raft, and many found it an intriguing and colourful addition to the weekend. Inevitably, in a gathering of people whose spiritual paths and ethos were quite varied, ranging from, for example, Goddess-oriented ecofeminism to Asatru, how different pagans behaved became a source of comment. Although far outweighed by positive feedback, the AEPG organiser received after the event a couple of letters of complaint. These were addressed in the AEPG Newsletter on the Internet (www.com/(nobg)/info/ magick/aepg/newsletter1.spider). One said 'Much of the behavior and attitudes mixed with the use of stimulants and gluttony seemed to be like ancient peasants/pagans letting loose while the mistress/master were away.' The organiser replied, 'This one, quite frankly, stumped everybody we talked to. Nothing was done to excess at any point in time during the Festival (except perhaps an emoting of joy due to a meeting of kindred spirits) and no one got out of hand.' Some (including parents with young children) had felt that the singsong on Friday night was altogether too 'secular' and rowdy, demonstrating lack of restraint and consideration both for others and the calm of the countryside. One woman commented that, while she had got a lot out of the gathering, she felt that there had been 'rather too much of the Horned God and not enough of the Goddess.' Some found it surprising that a number of the people at the gathering had a military background, and were somewhat taken aback when at one point the casual conversation around the campfire turned to people's favourite guns. The single most controversial event of the Gathering in terms of showing difference in attitude and ethos among pagans concerned Arnold the pig. The centrepiece of the Saturday night Feast was a pig roast, and at the end of the feast thanks was given and a toast drunk to Arnold the pig. There was also plenty of vegetarian food. The only real tetchiness at the feedback session at end of Gathering had concerned the pig roast, with objectors being told 'Meat eaters have rights too'. One person quipped that next year 'a carrot will be bound and gagged, barbecued and dismembered to even the balance'. (I have been told that at the second AEPG in 1996, some vegetarians took their food and ate it away from the main feast as a form of protest.) In the AEPG Newsletter on the Internet, the Organiser printed two complaints concerning the Feast, with his response (www.com/(nobg)/info/magick/aepg/ newsletter1.spider). Complaint: 'The pig feast could have meant more if the 'community' had worked for it, and if reverence was given for its life.' Response: 'I think the kitchen volunteers (who are indeed part of the "community") would be surprised to find that they didn't "work for it". . . .It seems that everybody pitched in for the benefit of everybody. Personally, I can't think of a better definition for "community" than that. It is unfortunate that a "lack of respect" or reverence was perceived for the pig by the writers of both letters.' Complaint: 'I was distressed by the seeming lack of respect Arnold (the pig) received in the cooking process.' Response: 'It is also unfortunate that both authors missed the praising and appreciation for the spirit of the pig at the end of the feast.' The basic problem was while that for some pagans a pig roast was a fine and fitting item for a pagan feast, for others it was simply incongruous, indeed outrageous - 'How can you be a pagan and eat meat?' Food is a very basic marker of belief and identity and has been used by a variety of traditions and cultures to differentiate themselves from others. For pagans, food can be an important (possibly the most important) indicator of a relationship with, or within, nature. Hunting for and/or eating meat are 'natural' for humans, claim some, and need in no way detract from respect for nature. Others see the consumption and/or exploitation of fellow live beings as an abomination, a betrayal of any respectful relationship or kinship with nature. Pagan Gatherings have been identified by Selena Fox of Circle Sanctuary as one of the most significant trends to emerge within North American paganism, offering opportunities for both contact and cross-fertilisation of ideas between different pagan groups. Similarly, pan-pagan gatherings and conferences in Britain have been both educational and influential. However, within these, food (and in some contexts alcohol and other stimulants), rather than theology/thealogy might be seen as one of the few issues which presents a real challenge to the importance many pagans place on tolerance and taking personal responsibility for belief and action. CONCLUSION Harvey's claim that 'Nature is authoritative not as a model to observe but as a web of relationships in which to engage' (1997: 188) might be seen as an ingenious attempt both to recognise and to contain the tensions inherent in different pagan attitudes to and interaction with nature. There is, of course, absolutely no reason why there should be uniformity or even similarity of understandings of nature and natural behaviour among pagans. However, so long as 'Love for and Kinship with Nature' (or some variation thereon) functions as an attraction to and expression of Paganism within the highly varied pagan community, and in the representation of Paganism to 'outsiders', it is an area worthy of attention. The natural world is humanity's context, but different religious and spiritual traditions contextualise nature and interact with it in a variety of ways. Exploiting nature, in the sense of utilizing it for one's own ends, is how all living entities survive. Though many pagans would consider their attitude to and understanding of nature more enlightened than certain other religious traditions, within pluralistic paganism there is human agenda setting and manipulation as to how nature is apprehended and what constitutes natural behaviour. This diversity has implications for the development of pagan theology/thealogy and ethics, and for dialogue between pagans. It is also pertinent to any consideration of what paganism actually is. Pagans have in recent years worked hard to combat misleading information and propaganda about their beliefs and practices. In so doing, it has often seemed necessary to define paganism in terms of what it is not <5>. The need to present a coherent pagan voice in the face of disinformation or hostility has given rise to a pragmatic emphasis on unity; in that context, 'Nature' has, understandably, been seized upon as a unifying force and rallying point. Concern for and engagement with nature are very much part of pagan identity. But attitudes to nature need not be the sole or even main factor in choosing a particular pagan path; nationality, ethnicity, empowerment or an encounter with the supernatural may be equally or even more important. Pagan Studies have reached the stage where explorations of pagan pluralism and articulations of difference (and indeed disapproval) between pagans can make valuable contributions to the field - as this volume of DISKUS demonstrates. It is therefore relevant to question what different pagans actually mean by 'nature', and to what extent pagan identity is in fact defined in relation to 'nature'. In situations of pagan pluralism, nature can function as a common denominator, but equally it can become a cause of conflict, when some pagans behave towards 'nature' in a way that others regard as irresponsible or inappropriate. Exploring the relationship between nature, the natural and pagan identity indicates the necessity of recognising diversity, articulating difference and questioning the extent to which paganism (an umbrella term for observably disparate groups and worldviews) and nature religion can indeed be considered synonymous. NOTES <1> This research was funded by a Canadian High Commission Faculty Research Award. <2> See Shelley Rabinovitch's '"An' Ye Harm None, Do What Ye Will": Neo- Pagans and Witches in Canada' (unpublished MA Thesis, Carleton University, 1992) for examples of concerns about being identified as pagan. <3> By 1995 the Ontario based Wic-Can Fest was in its 13th year and MiniFest was in its 6th year. <4> In this respect it is worth noting that there seems to be a strong connection between North American paganism and the Society for Creative Anachronism (SCA) which centres on historical re-enactment; many were brought into contact with paganism through SCA activities and many pagans remain active within it. When the AEPG organiser's father had been questioned by a neighbour about the activity around their land, he had said they were hosting 'one of those medieval weekends' which was considered socially acceptable. (Comparisons might be made with pagan involvement in Sealed Knot activities in Britain.) <5> For example, The Pagan Federation's statement of principles includes: 'Love for and Kinship with Nature: rather than the more customary attitude of aggression and domination over Nature... The Pagan Ethic: 'Do what thou wilt, but harm none.' This is a positive morality, not a list of thou-shalt-nots. (The Pagan Federation Information Pack, London 1992:14). BIBLIOGRAPHY Bradley, Marion Z (1984) The Mists of Avalon. London: Sphere. Hamilton, Malcolm, Waddington, Peter, Gregory, Susan and Walker Ann (1995) 'Eat, Drink and Be Saved: the Spiritual Significance of Alternative Diets', Social Compass 42(4): 497-511 Harvey, Graham and Hardman, Charlotte (eds) (1995) Paganism Today. London: Thorsons Harvey, Graham (1997) Listening People, Speaking Earth: Contemporary Paganism. London: Hurst Pearson, Joanne, Roberts, Richard and Samuel, Geoffrey (eds) (1998) Nature Religion Today: Paganism in the Modern World. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press Starhawk (1989) The Spiral Dance. San Francisco: Harper & Row END ??