DISKUS Volume 6 (2000) http://www.uni-marburg.de/fb03/religionswissenschaft/journal/diskus 'CONVERSION' TO WICCA? Melissa Harrington Ph.D. Student, King's College London, UK Email: aemeth@compuserve.com ------------------- ABSTRACT This paper examines conversion processes among British Wiccans, whilst developing a measure of conversion motifs based on Lofland and Skonovd's work. Analysis of quantifiable data from empirical research is used to give specificity to the common Wiccan perception that the affirmation of their identity and its subsequent expression in initiation is less like 'conversion' (narrated as a Christian experience) and more like 'coming home'. ------------------ INTRODUCTION The research project documented here <1> aimed to examine conversion processes in a religious group (Wicca) whilst developing a measure of conversion motifs based on Lofland and Skonovd's work, in an experiment which satisfied design criteria for empirical research. The field work was done in 1994/5 and involved the qualitative analysis of open interviews with Wiccans followed by statistical analysis of a questionnaire study. Lofland and Skonovd argued in 1981 that it was misleading to talk of types of conversion at all but that conversion 'motifs' should be examined instead. They aimed to take into account the subjective perceptions of religious converts, and to try to define the qualitative differences of experience. Understanding of what is termed 'conversion' has steadily changed since Starbuck attempted to explore varieties of religious experience in 1903. This earliest reported work mainly focused upon conversion to Christianity and used a white Anglo-Saxon population from a university campus. However Starbuck isolated two types of conversion - guilt vs inspirational. By the middle of the twentieth century conversion was beginning to be seen as something other than a dramatic 'seeing of the light'. One of the first empirical studies investigating gradual rather than sudden conversion was that of Scobie in 1973 who used a population of trainee Protestant ministers. He found only 20% of sudden converts; 30% could not identify any conversion, they had been brought up as Protestants; and 50% had slowly shifted their identity over a period of time. In 1981 Lofland and Skonovd produced the following motifs which they described as 'major aspects that serve to locate each in a very large field of possibilities', and used them in what they called a 'stocktaking exercise' in 'the wake of a world-wide wave of "new religions" and the resurgence of traditional religions'. 1) Intellectual The querant starts with private research which leads to 'illumination rather than ecstasy', and a relatively high level of belief occurs before participation in organised activity and ritual. Lofland and Skonovd see this as a new mode of entry to a religious community due to the increase of communication technology and the nature of religion in Western society. 2) Mystical The mystical experience is often ineffable. It is described as 'an acute hallucinatory episode occurring within the framework of religious belief and characterised by its subjective intensity, apparent suddenness of onset, brief duration, auditory and, sometimes, visual hallucination, and an observable change in the subsequent behaviour of the convert'. The critical period for conversion can be brief, often with a feeling that the experience emanated from a greater outside entity. Emotional arousal is very high, involving ecstasis which can include awe, love and fear. 3) Experimental The experimental conversion is typified by a 'progression of mental states' which are 'predominantly cognitive'. Curiosity is the affective factor. Lofland and Skonovd also link this with social learning and situational adjustment. 4) Affectional This motif gives emotional attachments or a liking for a practitioner 'critical causal efficacy'; and supports a wide range of studies which have revealed the pertinence of positive affective bonds during conversion processes. Belief arises from participation. 5) Revivalist The central feature of the revivalist motif is a profound experience occurring within an emotionally aroused crowd, it can cause 'individuals....(to)..... go through the outward and inward methodology of a fundamentalist or evangelical conversion'. 6) Coercive This is better known as 'brainwashing' or 'menticide' and is rare. External social pressure is prolonged and intense and a backsliding can occur when the subject is removed to normal society. Obviously there are grey areas between each of these motifs, however later researchers have found similar typologies to these and to Scobie's within very specialised areas of religious research. In 1988 Lowenthal studied women committed to orthodox Judaism and found a typology similar to Scobie's but with some modification. In 1994 Kose and Lowenthal applied these motifs to religious biographies of converts to Islam and found a large range of differences with a few key features. Conversion happened relatively late in life with youthful conversion being comparatively rare. The intellectual motif was the most common whilst the coercive one was very low. Wiccan 'Converts' have usually found Wicca after a good deal of thinking and seeking, often for years. For many Wiccans the 'conversion' happens long before the religion becomes apparent. Because of this I developed the scale by adding another motif, a recognition motif, which could be related to what Scobie termed as 'unconscious converts' and Lowenthal 'affirmers'. My study started with open interviews of 6 Wiccan subjects, one male and one female from each degree who had different religious backgrounds and had found Wicca by different methods. They were employed in diverse occupations and were aged between 20 and 64 years old. Each subject talked to me about their own journey into Wicca, was asked to comment on the motifs, and to rate them in their own conversion biography. No one was very happy with the word 'conversion'. Four subjects actually used the same words 'coming home' to describe initiation, which they saw as a confirmation of an identity they already had; a consolidation rather than a conversion. All had had to quest for Wicca and one described his initiation as 'an encounter with the same power which had started me on this journey'. ********************************************************************* Note to DISKUS readers: To display and print Figure 1 and subsequent tables in this article correctly, use a non-proportionally-spaced font such as Courier. ********************************************************************* Figure 1: Frequency of self reported occurrence of conversion motifs in biographies of interview study subjects (N=No, Y=Yes, S=some) Subject: 1 2 3 4 5 6 ------------------------------------------------- Experimental N N Y Y N N Emotional N N N Y S N Intellectual S Y Y Y S Y Mystical Y Y Y Y Y S Revivalist N Y N N N N Coercive N N N N N N Recognition Y Y Y Y Y Y A pattern emerged of 100% negative response to coercion; very low presence of the revivalist motif ; moderate presence of experimental and emotional motifs, higher presence of mystical and intellectual motifs and 100% positive response to recognition. This affirmed my expectations, indicated that it was possible to apply Lofland and Skonovd's work to Wicca, and that the recognition motif was a valid addition. A scale was constructed after a preliminary pool of items was drawn up from the descriptions of motifs by Lofland and Skonovd into a series of statements designed to illustrate experiences indicative of each motif. It was not to be specific to any religion in order to test the applicability of these motifs to Wicca, but the 'recognition' motif was included. This resulted in a long questionnaire with between three and seven items depending on the motif which were honed down to one positive statement with a corresponding negative statement so that reliability testing could be done by a split half reliability test. This resulted in fourteen items which were to be measured by a five-point Likert scale running from 'strongly agree or very true for me' to 'strongly disagree or very untrue for me' . For the field study I wanted to eliminate my own personal bias and increase replicability so I chose to use the list of addresses from the longest established gathering of European Wiccans as it stood in 1991. In applying this list to an experiment three to four years later any covens which had been going for less than three years were not included so the representative sample was of established covens. European covens and lone practitioners were eliminated for financial reasons. In order to minimalise confounding variables and to improve ecological validity only Gardnerian and Alexandrian covens were selected; aiming to allow extrapolation to what is a very large proportion of the Neo-Pagan community. This left 23 covens to be targeted for the field study. The returned questionnaires gave a sample of 102 initiated Wiccan subjects. RESULTS Scores from the questionnaires were coded and the data entered into an SPSS package for analysis. Reliability of the questionnaire was tested for with a split half reliability test. Three way analysis of variance examined the effects of the independent (grouping) variables; gender, degree and tradition, on each of the dependent variables, the motifs. Age was correlated with each motif in turn, and a manova with special contrasts was used to examine differences in levels of motifs DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS 102 subjects, all initiated Wiccans, aged from 19 to 67 years old took part in the study. The average age was 35.6, and of the 102 subjects 56 were female and 46 male. Table 1 shows how many subjects were from each degree. First degree 45 Second degree 31 Third degree 26 This proportional distribution of degrees fits with the traditional coven structure whereby a High Priest and High Priestess of second or third degree train a number of first degrees up to second degree before they hive off and start their own coven. Table 2 shows how many subjects were from each tradition. Gardnerian 40 Alexandrian 3 Gardnerian/Alexandrian 59 The number of subjects in each tradition appears to be skewed in favour of Gardnerian and Gardnerian/Alexandrian Wiccans. Since many Wiccans now share a mixed lineage of Gardnerian and Alexandrian heritage this not a surprising finding, although the very low figures were in this case created by one very large Alexandrian line only returning their questionnaires after the deadline for data to be entered and analysed. Table 3 shows mean scores for each motif. Motif Mean Standard Deviation Intellectual 8.17 9.81 Mystical 7.05 2.41 Experimental 7.31 2.49 Coercive 2.28 1.00 Affectional 4.74 2.85 Revivalist 4.63 2.44 Recognition 9.25 1.35 The mean scores of the motifs bore out the expectations of this study. The motif with the highest presence was recognition, the intellectual and mystical motif showed a high presence, affectional and revivalist motifs showed a moderate presence while the coercive motif showed a very low presence. RELIABILITY STATISTICS A split half reliability test was performed to test for cohesiveness by correlating the positive and negative items for each motif. Table 4 shows the correlation coefficients and significances of split half reliability testing for each motif. Motif Coefficient Significance Intellectual .7877 P<0.001 Mystical .7908 P<0.001 Experimental .6777 P<0.001 Coercive .3947 P<0.001 Affectional .6936 P<0.001 Revivalist .6909 P<0.001 Recognition .5296 P<0.001 All items reached significance. The questionnaire provides a reliable scale for applying Lofland and Skonovd's (1981) conversion motifs to a Wiccan population. A Hotellings multivariate test for significance of all motifs gave a significant result (F= 277.86, df=6, P<0.001). The multivariate test of significance was extended by planned contrasts to test the significance of the differences between the low, moderate and high scoring motifs. Univariate F-tests with (1,101) D/F gave the following results: Low scoring motif - coercive vs other motifs (F=785.33, P<0.001). Moderate scoring motifs - affectional and revivalist vs high scoring motifs - intellectual, mystical, experimental and recognition (F=195.42, P<0.001). High scoring motifs - intellectual, experimental and mystical vs very high motif - recognition (F=72.85, P<0.001). The differences between the low, moderate, high and high scoring motifs are highly significant. EFFECTS OF AGE, GENDER, DEGREE AND TRADITION. The effects of gender, degree and tradition on the motifs were analysed using 3-way analyses of variance. As expected there were no differences by gender, degree or tradition except that females showed a greater presence of the coercive motif (F1,96=5.65, p=.019). However presence of this motif in both genders was very low. The means for women were 2.50 with a standard deviation of 1.31, the means for men were 2.02 with a standard deviation of 0.15. Correlations showed only one effect, that of age on the experimental motif. (-.3141, p<.001). This negative correlation confirms the expectations of this study that the experimental motif is becoming more evident along with the growth of Neo-Pagan spirituality. DISCUSSION Recognition Recognition scored highest with a mean of 9.25 and a standard deviation of 1.35. The success of this, the only tailor-made motif based on the pilot research, suggests that although Lofland and Skonovd's motifs were applicable to Wicca, a questionnaire based on Pagan religion rather than a meta-analysis of mainly Christian and monotheistic data would provide higher statistical significance and more refined results. The 'recognition' motif is one which may only be relevant to minority religions such as Wicca which are not immediately available to the religious querant, but it may also be a valid addition to the Lofland and Skonovd motifs and a normal or very important part of religious conversion processes. It definitely deserves further study. Intellectual The intellectual motif scored highest of all the originals indicating that ' a relatively high level of belief ... before participation' is one of the most important factors in a conversion to Wicca. It contradicts Lofland and Skonovds' meta-analysis, perhaps because studies of Wiccans are a very modern phenomenon with nothing to compare from earlier research, or perhaps because a Wiccan population is a very different one to those used in most studies. This score confirmed Kose and Lowenthal's findings. A Wiccan will usually have had to investigate the religion in some depth in order to discover and then commit to Wicca. A person converting to Islam in a predominantly Christian country will probably have done the same. These scores indicate a solid niche for further research. Mystical The mysticism motif showed a high presence. Mysticism is an integral element of any mystery religion. Wicca is part of the Western Mystery Tradition on which very little research has been done. It is likely that a similar study on any other mystery religions would show a high occurrence. Experimental The experimental motif scored a high presence There was however a significant negative correlation for older Wiccans. This fits with gradual changes in coven personnel selection mechanisms. The older Gardnerian style was to invite the aspirant around for tea with the coven before meetings for a year and a day, now many Alexandrian based covens facilitate pre-initiatory training, which allows people to get a feeling of Wicca before initiator and initiate decide that initiation is appropriate. Also the latter years of the Neo-Pagan revival have been eroding the previously closely guarded secrecy of Wicca. Ever-increasing numbers of 'do-it yourself' books, of open festivals, and of open groups allow for ever more experimentation. Affectional Scores for the affectional motif affirmed the pertinence of positive affective bonds and indicates a moderate social element within the Wiccan conversion process. However with a Wiccan population affectional bonds did not show 'critical causal efficacy'. Revivalist Revivalism scored moderately, showing perhaps that profound experience occurring within an emotionally aroused crowd (ie rituals) can lead people to join Wicca. This confirms the massive changes going on within the structure of Wiccan training, public accessibility and Wicca itself. Coercive The coercive motif showed a very low presence in this study. However, I had thought it unlikely that anyone would admit to being brainwashed into a religion they were actively participating in, and converted the coercion motif to 'I felt pressured into joining.' Had the questionnaire said 'I felt brainwashed into joining' mirroring the original definition for this motif the score would probably been zero. Further to this, the change led to ambiguity between the affectional and coercive motif. Several comments from people whose partners were initiates before them were returned, such as: 'I think it is very significant to establish whether one is responding to a friend, a group of friends, a romantic interest, a parent or other relative's interest, or whatever. In my own case, it was difficult to properly answer the question about whether I was pressured because I felt a certain amount of pressure because of my engagement to a serious Wiccan. It wasn't force in any way or form, but he and I both knew that if I wasn't involved with him, it isn't the path I might have chosen' IMPLICATIONS Both the British Muslim converts studied by Kose and Lowenthal (1994) and the British Wiccan converts in this study show similarly high levels of intellectual and experimental conversion experiences and similarly low levels of the coercive motif. Wicca however showed less affectional conversion motifs, moderately more revivalism, and a higher mystical score. Wicca appears to be a world affirming (rather than a world rejecting) religion that manages to retain a high level of mysticism, a finding that could well do with further study. In this study the specifically developed recognition motif scored highest of all. For further work on Wicca or any other Pagan or magical religion we need to develop specific scales of measurement which can touch on the complexities of conversion to a Neo-Pagan religion. However, this scale was deliberately created to be applicable to any religion, proved to be statistically reliable and highlighted trends as well as changes within conversion processes in Wiccans. It could equally be applied elsewhere. Given the inherent quest orientation of Wicca combined with the heterogeneity of the conversion profiles found in this study it seems essential that subject populations drawn from alternative religions are used to examine at least intrinsic, extrinsic and quest religiosity. Nearly all research in this area has so far been done on university students who are in an age of moratorium, or on Christians. Even more methodologically confusing is the fact that many studies have been carried out using samples of Christian university students. Numerous studies of intrinsic and extrinsic religiosity and prejudice have found contradictory and confusing results. Glock and Stark (1966) argue that prejudicial attitudes are inherent in the Christian church's claim to being the one true religion, and Wulff (1991) sees some prejudice as 'undoubtedly the result of unreflective and "innocent" acquiescence to the presuppositions and perceptions of associates.' After 20 years of research with the Right Wing Authoritarian scale Altemeyer (1988) found that 'vast, complicated religious material such as the Bible is "lined up" to support authoritarian submission, aggression, and conventionism.' Quest religiosity was investigated by Batson (1976) and colleagues in the 1970s and 1980s and was described as 'the degree to which an individual's religion involves an open-ended, responsive dialogue with existential questions raised by the contradictions and tragedies of life'. Batson argues that the scepticism and open-mindedness of the quester combined with self-actualisation and self-reliance 'taps ... a more mature, flexible type of religiosity' which is crucially distinct from intrinsic or extrinsic religiosity in its tolerance of others and sensitivity to their needs. Batson's findings have been challenged methodologically and conceptually. Allport argues that this state of moratorium should fade as commitment to a faith increases, and that questing is a stage in religious development. Findings and theories differ as to whether intrinsic or quest religiosity is the more mature. Different results have been found depending on age, education, ego maturation and gender but no lasting conclusions have yet been found. Religious scholars such as David Wulff (1991) are saying that 'clarifying and assessing the quest orientation is surely one of the psychology of religion's most urgent tasks'. Perhaps Paganism holds the key. The response rate and enthusiasm for this study was almost overwhelming. The witches wanted to speak for themselves. Out of the 23 covens approached most replied within the first week, all with accompanying letters. None of the questionnaires asked for comments but subjects took an active interest in filling questionnaires, often writing notes with a determination to understand and be understood. This is consistent with the lengthy and often critical appraisals of the Lofland and Skonovd motifs in the qualitative interviews during pilot research. CONCLUSION Much more work is called for in this field, from qualitative interviews to meta-analyses of pagan religions to see what has caused their fast growing popularity, and meta-analyses of these together with other religions to see what each has in common, or in contrast, as the case may be. The questions remain throughout: 'what is conversion?' and 'how can it be defined? Scobie began to show that many factors are responsible for an individual making an identity shift and committing to one particular religious group. Lofland and Skonovd used the term defined by Travisano (1970) 'a radical reorganisation of identity, meaning, life' and Heirich (1977) 'the process of changing a sense of root reality' or a 'conscious shift in one's sense of grounding'; but even with such definitions 'conversion' seems to carry a different emphasis, weight and definition peculiar to each religion. Wiccan subjects strongly objected to the term conversion and stressed that they had not converted to Wicca but had confirmed their faith. Getting initiated was an act of recognition of belief rather than birth into it. Other religions have also reported the experience of 'coming home' and much work need to be done to ascertain how much this is part of a normal conversion process. One outstanding finding was evident throughout this study: that whatever social and psychological processes may be coming into play - Wiccans do not convert, they come home. NOTES <1> This paper is based on my final year research project at Royal Holloway University, supervised by Dr Kate Miriam Lowenthal whom I would like to acknowledge for her inspiration and support. BIBLIOGRAPHY Allport G W and Ross J M (1967) 'Personal Religious Orientation and Prejudice', Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 5: 432-43. Altemeyer B (1988) Enemies of Freedom; Understanding Right Wing Authoritarianism. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Batson C D (1976) 'Latent Aspects of "From Jerusalem to Jericho"' in M P Golden (ed) The Research Experience. Itasca: F E Peacock, pp 205-14. Batson C D and Ventis W L (1985) 'Misconception of Quest; A Reply to Hood and Morris', Review of Religious Research 26: 398-407. Chapman M (1995) 'Conversion Processes in Wicca'. Unpublished undergraduate thesis. London: Royal Holloway University. Glock C Y and Stark R (1966) Christian Beliefs and Anti-semitism. New York: Harper and Row. Heirich M (1977) 'Change of Heart: A test of some widely held theories about religious conversion', American Sociological Review 83: 653-80. Kose and Lowenthal (1994) Conversion to Islam. Unpublished undergraduate thesis. London: Royal Holloway Univerisity. Lofland and Skonovd (1981) 'Conversion Motifs', Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 20(4): 373-85. Lowenthal K M (1995) Mental Health and Religion. London: Chapman Hall. Scobie (1973) 'Types of Christian conversion', Journal of Behavioural Science.1 (5): 265-271. Starbuck E D (1899) The Psychology of Religion; an Empirical Study of the Growth of Religious consciousness. New York: Charles Scribner and Sons. Travisano R (1970) 'Alternation and conversion as qualitatively different transformations', in G P Stone and H Faberman (eds) Social Psychology Through Symbolic Interaction. Waltham: Ginn-Blaisdell. pp.594-606. Wulff D M (1991) Psychology of Religion, classic and contemporary views. New York: Wiley. END