BOWMAN, Marion (Bath) ISLAM, ADAT AND MULTICULTURALISM IN MALAYSIA. DISKUS, 2 (1994) no. 1, pp. 15-27 Contact Address: Marion Bowman Study of Religions Bath College of Higher Education Newton Park Bath BA2 9BN UK This article is largely based upon fieldwork undertaken in Malaysia in March and April 1991, information received directly from Malaysia since that time, and contact with Malaysian students in Britain. Having lived in Bahrain for two years in the 1980's, the main aim of my fieldwork was to explore what contrasts and tensions exist between Gulf Islam and Malaysian Islam, particularly between Gulf cultural tradition and 'adat' (the Malay word for custom or cultural tradition) which are evidently dissimilar, and the inherent difficulties when Islam is just one ingredient, albeit the dominant one, in a multicultural situation. These are obviously complex issues which cannot be dealt with exhaustively in an article of this length, but my aim here is simply to outline some of the aspects involved, and to focus on the celebration of Hari Raya Aidilfitri as an example of the dynamism and complexities of the Malaysian situation. Malaysia: Background Information Malaysia is a religiously and racially mixed country with a population of c.18 million, the majority (c.9 million) being Malays; the figure given by the Malaysian Information Office was 52%. Officially, Malays are classified as Moslem, so there is a direct link between race and religion. There are, however, other indigenous peoples in Sabah and Sarawak, plus Chinese Malaysians (c.5.2 million) who may practice Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism or Christianity, Indian Malaysians (c.1.75 million) who may be Moslem, Christian, Hindu or Sikh, and various other nationalities and religious groupings. The Malaysian government has worked hard to promote a sense of commonality, of being Malaysian, among this varied population. While Islam is the majority religion, the constitution guarantees freedom of religion, and on the whole this is something that many Malaysians (Malay and others) make a point of telling outsiders with pride. It is estimated that c.19% of Malaysians are Buddhist, 11.6% practice 'Chinese faiths' (including Taoism and Confucianism), and c.8% are Christian. Nevertheless, during my fieldwork I encountered various Chinese and Indian Malaysians who felt disadvantaged on grounds of race and/or religion. In 1991 I was fortunate in being in Kuala Lumpur and Penang during Ramadan, and therefore witnessed the run up to and preparations for Eid. (Eid al Fitr is known in Malaysia as Hari Raya Aidilfitri, usually shortened to Hari Raya.) It happened to be a busy time in terms of religious activity, as during the same period there also fell Easter, what was generally described as Hindu or Tamil New Year, and Sikh Vasaki. There was a considerable number of Ramadan and Hari Raya-related items in the English-language newspapers, to which I shall return. While there were a few mentions of the Hindu and Sikh celebrations, conspicuous by its absence during this period was newspaper coverage of Easter in Malaysia. Such Easter articles as there were referred to celebrations in Russia, and some of the more extravagant practices in the Philippines. The facts that the sports stadium in Kuala Lumpur had been filled to capacity on Easter Sunday with Catholic worshippers, or that it had been 'standing room only' in many churches on Good Friday were not reported. Opposite the main mosque in Kuala Lumpur is the magnificent modern complex of buildings of the Pusat Islam, or Islamic Institute, which officially has a counselling and coordinating function in relation to the state religious department. It runs courses on Islam for teachers, government officials, youth group leaders, and converts to Islam. It has a library and shop, and people can go there for advice and information on any aspect of Islam. (One example of its work has been giving advice to Chinese restaurateurs to ensure their food is halal and acceptable to Moslem clients.) Some non-Moslems clearly feel that Pusat Islam exists in order to convert people to Islam, but the Institute cannot officially proselytize, merely give advice and information when it is sought. Following the civil unrest of 1969/1970 (partly sparked by resentment of the economic power of the Chinese and Indians), the Malaysian government introduced its New Economic Policy. This had two main objectives: 'first to eradicate poverty among all Malaysians and second, to restructure the society so as to reduce and eventually eliminate the identification of race with economic functions'.<1> That there is still some way to go in this matter is indicated, for example, by a piece in the New Straits Times (15/11/93) entitled 'Strive for wealth, Muslims advised'. The general manager of the Kelantan Poverty Foundation advised Moslems not to listen to groups that urged them to reject development and wealth, claiming that some Moslems looked down on their wealthy neighbours. He added that it was also 'wrong for Muslims to think that the wealth in this world was only for the others while the Muslims would get their share in the afterlife'. From the 1970's, it has been government policy to increase the numbers of Malays at the upper levels of business, industry and the civil service, where they were previously under-represented, and this process has included the provision of special credit facilities and quota systems in employment and higher education. These measures have occasioned some resentment among other groups. Since the 1970's there seems to have been a growing feeling among some sections of the the Moslem population that the government is too secular, and demands have been made for greater Islamisation. This movement has also been influenced by Malay students who received scholarships to study overseas and returned with a radicalised, some say fundamentalist, concept of Islam. One example of the difficulties faced by the government concerns AIDS, which (as elsewhere) has become a moral issue as well as a medical problem. The Malaysian Health Ministry formulated a comprehensive and pragmatic approach to arrest the spread of the infection, but it has been forced to drop ideas such as sex education in schools, the promotion of the use of condoms, measures to prevent drug users sharing needles, and monitoring the spread of the HIV virus among prostitutes, in the face of opposition from influential Islamic bodies and other conservative groups. Dr. Mahfodz Mohamed of the National Council of Muslim Scholars, for example, argued: 'If we seriously want to stop this problem we should try Islamic law. It is very strong in this respect. One hundred lashes for the prostitute and client. Forty to eighty lashes for drug addicts.' <2> The government argues that this is not possible in a multi-racial country. So we follow the colonial system of law. But Islamic law is good for all people. All religions are against prostitution and drug addicts. After a meeting with senior Moslem scholars, the head of the AIDS prevention control unit of the Ministry of Health, Dr. Sallehudin Bin Abu Bakar declared 'Everyone must adopt Islamic values'; he also cited recommendations such as 'an end to the free mixing of boys and girls, stricter censorship of television, and allowing Muslim scholars to teach outside of mosques'.<3> While other religious groups are similarly concerned about the social and moral aspects of AIDS, such ideas are unlikely to find favour with non-Moslems. The Malaysian government thus faces some difficult challenges. It needs to satisfy the Islamic majority without alienating other Malaysians. Simultaneously, however, there are Moslem Malays who are profoundly worried by what they see as a rise in 'extremism' or 'fundamentalism', and by views which they fear run counter to the traditional Malaysian conduct of Islam. Adat and Islam As I indicated, one of my main interests was in contrasts and tensions between Gulf and Malaysian Islam, particularly in the realm of cultural tradition. In the 1980's I lived in Bahrain for two years and travelled in the region, so when talking of Gulf Islam I am for the most part drawing on my experiences there. Bahrain is obviously more liberal than Saudi Arabia, though similar in some respects to the Emirates. However, although aware that there are great differences of belief, degree and custom within Gulf Islam, I believe that there is some purpose in the term for comparative purposes. While there is undoubtedly great stress on brotherhood and equality before Allah within Islam, for example, I encountered both implicit and explicit assumptions that Gulf Islam was in some way true, authentic Islam, being most closely associated with the Prophet, Arabic being the language of Allah, and Mecca being the holiest place on earth. In Malaysia, by contrast, there was the frequently expressed opinion that Malaysian Moslems, far from being in any way inferior to Arab Moslems, might actually be better Moslems. Malaysian Moslems, it was pointed out, live in harmony with fellow citizens of different races and religions, so that for them to stick to fasting during Ramadan, for example, is actually harder than in the Gulf where there is no temptation. Some had heard that fasting, praying, dress and suchlike are enforced in Middle Eastern countries, so people act out of fear rather than love of Allah, as they do in Malaysia. One man claimed that Malaysian Moslems were Moslems by choice, not because it was imposed. (This might not seem to concur with the automatic official classification of Malays as Moslem, but it is an interesting perception.) Comparisons were frequently drawn between Arab custom and Malaysian adat (cultural tradition). In Malaysia there has not traditionally been Gulf-style segregation of the sexes, nor have women experienced the same degree of restriction in dress, movement and occupation. In many parts of the Middle East, the all-encompassing black abaya has become the norm, with even the face being partially or completely covered in some places. Traditional dress for Malay women is the baju kurung, basically a sarong or long skirt and a long-sleeved, mid-thigh length blouse, frequently in beautiful bright colours. Women who wear traditional dress do not necessarily cover their heads, but those who do often use large matching or eye-catchingly contrasting scarves, tudung panjam (long scarf) or tudung tigasegi (triangular scarf). I was told that the wearing of the triangular tudung in the style where just the face is visible has only really developed since the 1970's and was brought back by students studying overseas. The baju kurung is also worn by other Malaysian (i.e. non-Malay) women, generally without head-covering. Many Moslem Malay women, however, simply wear modest, Western dress. As one professional woman in a short-sleeved, mid-calf-length dress said, 'It is not what you wear, it is how you behave that makes you a Moslem.' When I raised with my contact at Pusat Islam the matter of social segregation of the sexes, he laughed and referred to the crowded public transport of Kuala Lumpur, where people of all religions and nationalities and both sexes are crushed together. Likewise, in offices and shops people work and conduct business together. In these situations, he claimed, segregation of sexes is simply not realistic. While the women working at Pusat Islam wore the tudung tigasegi and considered it proper to do so, the consensus of opinion was that as long as women were modestly dressed, and people conducted themselves properly, there could be no objection to men and women working together. Among Malaysia's interesting Islamic financial institutions (including the Islamic Bank and an Islamic pawnbroking service), there is Tabung Haji, The Pilgrims Management and Fund Board, whose purpose is 'to provide an appropriately Islamic means of mobilizing savings and preventing the fragmentation of wealth by assisting Muslims to perform the Pilgrimage to Mecca without impoverishing them or further imposing any financial hardships after their pilgrimage'.<4> Although it started in 1962 purely as a savings fund for the purpose of receiving deposits from prospective pilgrims, it has expanded to become a major savings and investment corporation for Moslems generally. Tabung Haji handles the documentation, information and travel arrangements for around 25,000 pilgrims annually, so many Malaysians have made the pilgrimage to Mecca, and have some idea of what life in Saudi is like. One female employee of Tabung Haji remarked that she felt terribly sorry for Saudi women as 'they have no life'. A number of Malay Moslems expressed disquiet about Saudi women, mentioning such issues as dress, their lack of freedom to drive, and restrictions in the spheres of socialising and work. The gentleman at Pusat Islam, who clearly thought that women should only have their hands and faces visible, remarked that the way Saudi women had to dress was not Islamic; it was Arab, he said, for women to be completely covered. After all, he pointed out, Saudi women actually have to shed some of their veils to make the Haj. Without further labouring the point, although there is obviously a strong spiritual bond with the Middle East, there is an awareness of the fact that there is a difference between Gulf religion and Gulf custom, and a need to maintain and protect Malaysian cultural tradition while being good Moslems. Such concerns were voiced in a letter to the New Straits Times on March 22nd, 1991, in which the writer stated: 'Most Malays are loyal to their adat, an institution which has ordered their society since time immemorial. A Malay is still someone who is steeped in his adat melayu, a culture completely different from the one the ustaz are trying to impose on the Malays. Why can't these ustaz understand that a Malay can remain a Muslim, even a good one at that, while continuing to practise his adat? Is it necessary to practise old Arab customs as well in order to be a good Muslim? . . . Male and female, young and old of a family often gather and talk to each. But things are changing of late. Brothers, sisters, cousins, uncles and aunties do not mix any more, much less with neighbours. Conversations between male and female are forbidden. New values may be in the making. Already those sporting beard and turban are claiming to be believers of the first rank. They claim to [be] earning pahala (divine merits) by just dressing up like that. The women must be in purdah in order to earn pahala. . . . Learning and science cannot be expected to flourish in a community where the mind is occupied in the accumulation of pahala. Indeed the bigotry introduced by the ustaz under the garb of religion is responsible for the narrow outlook some Malays have today.' Malaysian anthropologist Dr. Wazir Jahan Karim argues in _Women and Culture:Between Malay Adat And Islam_ (Oxford: Westview Press, 1992) that traditionally Malay women have played an important role socially and politically, and therefore any attempt to separate adat from religion will lead to a lowering of the status of women. Discussing her book in a newspaper interview, Dr. Wazir concluded: 'Muslim countries are misunderstood as putting women in the dark ages because very little of the cultural ingredients of different Muslim societies have been studied or understood. This study shows that the cultural ingredients of Malay society run contrary to Arab social organisations based on patricians and patriarchy. Hence, the tensions between adat and Islamic revivalism are more apparent here, and the processes of coming to terms with these tensions include in certain situations and contexts the "adatisation of Islam" and in others the "Islamisation of adat".'<5> The balance between Islam and adat, and judging where religion ends and Gulf culture begins, are therefore important issues in contemporary Malaysia. Hari Raya and Multiculturalism One interesting example of how Malaysia is dealing with the various challenges facing Islam, both internally and externally, is to focus on Eid and the significance of what is happening to it. I would like to suggest that we see here three important elements at work: nationalism, syncretism and commercialisation. Ramadan in Bahrain, for example, was enforced to the extent that food stalls, restaurants and caf‚s were closed during daylight hours throughout the fasting month, and only the coffee shops, restaurants and bars of hotels functioned behind closed doors, generally staffed by expatriate Filipinos or Sri Lankans. In public, daytime fasting was expected from everyone and strictly enforced. Reasonably enough, expatriate workers would retire to a private room if they felt they needed a drink or food during working hours. Meals at the end of the day's fasting were basically family affairs, conducted at home. One obvious difference between Malaysia and the Gulf is the fact that there is no restriction for non-Moslems on public daytime eating, and although Moslem-run eating places might be closed, there are plenty of other food establishments open, including those staffed by Moslem Malays. As peninsular Malaysia is divided into states, each with a state government, the laws relating to permitted activities during Ramadan, including daytime eating, can vary from place to place. The Islamic Law Enactment of many states stipulates that Moslems can be arrested if found eating in public during Ramadan. I was told by a Moslem Malay waiter in a hotel coffee shop in Georgetown, Penang, that there, if a Moslem was caught eating during the day in Ramadan, both the offender and the proprietor of the eating establishment were liable for prosecution. He told of an incident that year in which two Malay women and the Chinese proprietor of a restaurant had been fined $50 each when the women had been spotted eating there by a policeman. The waiter's sympathy was with the proprietor, saying that it was unfair to expect a restaurateur to turn away business or risk offending regular customers by refusing to serve them; the matter was, after all, between Moslems and Allah. This sort of prosecution, he felt, only caused bad feeling between fellow Malaysians. On April 11th 1991 an article appeared in the New Straits Times, revealing plans by the Kota Baru Municipal Council to plant spies near food stalls and restaurants during the fasting month in 1992. The spies, it was said, 'would tail Muslims even to their homes and if they were found not to fast without any valid reasons, they would be handed to the State Religious Affairs Department for further action.' Justifying this, the Council's legal and enforcement chairman Haji Buniy Amin Yussuf pointed out that 'Unlike other States, the Kelantan Islamic Law Enactment does not allow Muslims to eat during the fasting month in public or otherwise.' However, the following day it was reported that the State Government of Kelantan would not endorse the spying plan, on the grounds that 'such a move was un-Islamic and might undermine the image of Islam in the eyes of non-Muslims.' The state government was, however, expected to support the council in its plans to include a clause restraining food stall owners and restaurants from selling food to Moslems on certain hours during Ramadan. Another newspaper article (Straits Times, 5/5/91) made the point that entertainment for non-Moslems is not affected by Ramadan, except in Kelantan, where a 1955 law prohibits all forms of entertainment during the holy month unless special permission has been obtained from the Sultan. However, nowadays all applications are automatically approved, as long as they open after fasting hours and shut by midnight. This article mentioned that a stir had been caused the previous month in Kota Baru when an official of the new Parti Islam administration announced a ban on entertainment, without realising the existence of this loophole. There is thus scope for some disharmony as a result of Ramadan, as it highlights differences between Malaysians. However, although the religious aspect of Ramadan is taken very seriously by Moslem Malays, it has developed and is developing in its own distinct way, partly as a result of the multicultural make up of the country. In Malaysia, particularly in the cities, people from different religious/racial groups are aware of each other's festivals; Christmas and Chinese New Year are public holidays, for example, as well as Hari Raya. People living and working in such a mixed society might want to mark (or even participate in) the festivals of workmates, neighbours and friends. In cities like Kuala Lumpur, many people broke the fast with hotel or restaurant meals, and numerous special Breaking Fast (Berbuka Puasa) meals and buffets were advertised, often featuring dishes from all over the peninsula. Some hotels set up temporary prayer houses for those who wished to say their evening prayers during their breaking of fast meals. A gong was sounded when the time came for Berbuka Puasa, and the fast was generally broken with dates. (This was a tradition, but not necessary, I was told; in fact, as Malaysia traditionally imported Iraqi dates for the purpose, there was a supply problem in 1991.) However, it was noticeable that the Berbuka Puasa meal was promoted as social activity not just for family and Moslem friends, but for non-Moslem friends and colleagues. One restaurant promoted its Ramadan Buffet Dinner with the words 'It's that time of year again when Muslims fast during the month of Ramadan. In conjunction with the month where buka puasa is a significant moment, we have something special in store for Muslims and non-Muslims. Lots of specialities await those who are fasting, or those merely wanting to try our Malay delicacies.' A Straits Times article (5/4/91) commented 'One innovation which has become popular in Malaysia is the buka puasa get-together. Politicians take the opportunity to entertain their supporters, while bosses hold such functions to foster closer rapport with their employees.' It was recognised that the traditional Berbuka Puasa meal was developing in new ways, and this was generally welcomed, both as proof of Malaysia's multiculturalism and its increasing affluence. Not surprisingly, hotels and restaurants also advertise special Hari Raya meals. One particularly striking innovation is the Hari Raya High Tea; afternoon tea is undergoing a revival as a fashionable activity in Malaysia and Singapore, so this is a logical extension of the fashion. During Hari Raya, it is traditional to hold Open House, and again this is not restricted to family and Moslem friends. The majority of food related media coverage featured pictures of the brisk business being done at the many specialist food and sweet stalls which appear only during Ramadan and Hari Raya; it seems that it is the one time when traditional Malay cakes are widely available, and one article 'Feasting on Malay cakes', stressed how much non-Moslem Malaysians enjoyed this time of year for that reason. In addition to the traditional Malaysian sweets and cakes on sale, iced sponges or fruit cakes decorated with the outline of a mosque or moon or simply the words 'Selamat Hari Raya' and looking suspiciously like Christmas cakes were being promoted as 'Hari Raya Cakes'. These, I was told, had just appeared during the previous five or so years. The Japanese supermarket chain Yaohan offered 'Hari Raya Hampers', fascinating for the mixture of items they contained. All, from the 80-dollar to the 500-dollar version, contained Kellogg's Cornflakes, Coca Cola, Sprite, a Nestle selection box, Danish butter cookies and potato crisps, tinned rambutan and pineapple, Californian dates and Dodol, a traditional Malaysian sweet. Ketupat, the plaited parcel of leaves within which rice is boiled, has become a Hari Raya symbol. The Hari Raya lights which went up in Kuala Lumpur were in the shape of ketupat, and Hari Raya advertising uses ketupat liberally. Food plays an important part in festivals worldwide, but it is frequently a marker of regional variation. In conversation with the people at Pusat Islam, I asked why the ketupat was a Hari Raya symbol. I was told that traditionally the special food for Hari Raya varied from state to state, but although ketupat was neither very exciting nor particularly festive, it was one of the few foods found throughout Malaysia and had therefore been chosen as a symbol with which everyone could identify. It was noticeable that the thrust of many newspaper and magazine articles was to portray Ramadan, as the lead up to Hari Raya, in much the same way as the period before Christmas is treated in the west. Day after day, there were moral messages in newspapers, reminding readers of the seriousness of fasting and the spiritual side of Ramadan and Hari Raya. Traditionally a time for charity and remembering the less fortunate, there were numerous stories and pictures of government ministers and politicians visiting children's homes or hospitals distributing gifts, and the Association of Wives of Ministers and Deputy Ministers were featured preparing what were described as 'Hari Raya goodies' for distribution to members of the Armed Forces and Police who would have to work over Hari Raya. However, one downbeat trend in newspaper reporting concerned fireworks. In Malaysia there is the custom of having fireworks and setting off rockets at Hari Raya, a custom not unrelated to the Chinese use of fireworks at New Year, and nowadays also at Christmas. There were many pieces showing pictures of injured or disfigured children who had been hurt when playing with fireworks. There was the occasional call for a ban on fireworks, but this was generally rejected, both because it would spoil the fun of the careful majority, and because it would cause outrage among the Chinese population. The majority of articles (and of course advertisements) dealt with the more commercial and economic aspects of the period. While traditionally new clothes were bought for Hari Raya, gifts are becoming more common and retailers are encouraging ever more extravagant purchases. Post Office employees were featured handling thousands of Hari Raya cards. A New Straits Times article (13/4/91) commented: 'During each Hari Raya Puasa season, friends, relatives and acquaintances send each other Hari Raya cards. The non-Malays too take the opportunity to send Hari Raya greetings to their friends'. It was estimated that in 1991 five million Hari Raya cards would be posted in Kuala Lumpur alone. Just as Christmas tends to bring a rash of seasonal and novelty recordings, in Malaysia during Ramadan, the run up to Hari Raya, people are bombarded with Hari Raya songs in shops and hotels, on television and radio. The first pop Hari Raya song was recorded as far back as the 1950's, and these days there is fierce competition between singers for the most popular Hari Raya song. A New Straits Times piece entitled 'Setting the Raya mood through evergreens' (27/3/91), started: It's that time of the year again. With Hari Raya just around the corner, many recording companies assume that Muslims would like to hear nothing else but Hari Raya songs to set the right mood for the celebration. No less than six recording companies . . . have already released Hari Raya albums so far.' The Hari Raya television schedules were previewed extensively, and a number of Hari Raya specials filmed. One such was RTM's Hari Raya musical 'Semara Kasih di Aidilfitri', discussed in 'The family in spirit of Aidilfitri' (New Straits Times 29/3/91) and intended 'to bring the family spirit to the small screen in the hope of spreading cheer to one and all.' Singer-actor Hussein Abu Hassan and various members of his talented family (actress wife, singing daughters and cousin) were to be featured singing a variety of Hari Raya favourites while holding a family reunion in a kampung, a traditional Malaysian village, and holding open house in Kuala Lumpur. The kampung reunion was in fact filmed on a beautifully constructed set, and to add local colour young women in colourful kurungs were to sit making ketupat in the yard outside the house. The writer of the piece on the programme commented that the city bred women had to be coached in plaiting the leaves to make ketupat. (Models of a kampung house appeared in many hotel foyers and shopping malls during Ramadan; they seemed uncannily like a nativity scene minus the figures.) With RTM's Hari Raya special, set in an artificial, idyllic kampung, with city women making ketupat for the first time as the backdrop to an idealised, make-believe family reunion, we see some significant features in the manipulation of tradition. While it is undoubtedly true that people nowadays do make a huge effort to get home for Hari Raya, and countless extra planes, buses and trains are laid on for the season, the ideal of the kampung Hari Raya is becoming the equivalent of the White Christmas invented and embellished in the west. Just as the coaches and horses dashing through the snow on nineteenth century Christmas cards were already sanitised anachronisms, and Bing Crosby's dream of a White Christmas a nostalgic invention, a particular image of Hari Raya is quite deliberately being promoted to serve a number of different ends. As I suggested, nationalism, syncretism and commercialisation are playing an important part in this process. These areas naturally overlap. Commercialisation is perhaps one of the most obvious features - encouraging people to buy more than was traditional, promoting expectations of gifts, and creating Hari Raya-specific artefacts, not just the special food which would traditionally have marked it out as a special time of year. The same forces which have brought about Christmas cards, gifts, hampers, songs and TV specials are at work in Malaysia and are being hailed as positive signs of the nation's increased prosperity. Another important consideration in the development of Ramadan and Hari Raya in Malaysia is nationalism, but nationalism in two senses: nationalism at home and nationalism in relation to the outside world. The first concerns nationalism as opposed to regionalism within Malaysia, that is creating a national tradition as opposed to a collection of regional celebrations and finding common factors as opposed to regional diversity; hence ketupat as the seasonal motif and the stress on a common, nostalgic past in the kampung. Moreover, as Ramadan and a festival purely for Moslem Malays might exacerbate religious and racial differences, there is the need for a more inclusive, national celebration which all Malaysians can enjoy, even if it is outside their own tradition. In addition, there is nationalism in relation to the rest of the world and more particularly in relation to the Islamic world, in the sense that there is being created a distinctively Malaysian way of celebrating Hari Raya Aidilfitri, which is self-consciously Malay. National symbols are being used to establish that Malaysia is doing things its way. Hari Raya cards, for example, demonstrate this point quite well. The type of Eid card generally sent in the Middle East, Pakistan and by British Moslems tends to depict Mecca, some other religious site, or simply a display of calligraphy. Although I looked at many card shops, I saw none of these types of cards, and the fact that one Malaysian commented on the unusualness of a Mecca card she had received from a friend in Britain indicates that they are uncommon. Many Malaysian cards seem to be self-consciously using Malaysian artefacts and symbols such as batik designs, Malaysian basketware, and of course the ubiquitous ketupat. Other cards used non-specific, almost secular images, such as flowers or animals; to some extent this may reflect the tastes of the many non-Moslems who are sending Hari Raya cards to friends and colleagues. However, striking among the cards I collected was one depicting a cartoon rabbit; bearing in mind that Easter fell just a couple of weeks before Hari Raya in 1991, it would have been hard to tell what sort of card it was, had it not been for the 'Selamat Hari Raya' caption. (It is difficult to imagine an 'Eid al Fitr' bunny on a Gulf card.) Even more extreme were the joke cards, complete with cartoons of people and referring, for example, to the Malaysian custom of setting off rockets at Hari Raya. That there is innovation, adaptation and syncretism in all this is undeniable. Elements of successful non-Moslem celebrations have been adapted and applied to Hari Raya. Attempts have been made to make Ramadan less exclusive of other, non-Moslem Malaysians, and to make Hari Raya a time of inclusive, national celebration. In Malaysia and its celebration of Hari Raya Aidilfitri we see a pragmatic response to pressures both within the country and in relation to co-religionists abroad. Whether the adatisation of Islam or the Islamisation of adat will prove to be the stronger force remains to be seen. Whether Malaysia can maintain and build on its sense of commonality despite racial and religious differences and the preferences of the Moslem majority is likewise a story worth following. Malaysian Islam provides a fascinating study in the interplay between religion and cultural tradition, and Islam in a multicultural milieu. ------------------------------------------------------------- NOTES 1. Nilufer Narli, 'Inter-religious dialogue among Malaysian women'. _Islamochristiana_ 16 (1990), 205. 2. Alsion Nadel, 'Malaysia's Quandary'. _Far Eastern Economic Review_, 25 March 1993, 43. 3. Ibid. 4. 'Turning a Government Agency into a People's Organization and a Tool for Development: The Tabung Haji Experience'. Submission for the Ramon Magsaysay Award, 1987. 5. 'Women power in Malaysia'. _New Straits Times_, 12 April 1993.