DISKUS Vol. 5 (1999)
http://www.uni-marburg.de/fb11/religionswissenschaft/journal/diskus

MULTICULTURALISM AND THE AMBIGUITY OF RECOGNIZING RELIGION
Martin Baumann

Department for the History of Religions, University of Hannover, Germany

Email: martin.baumann@mail.uni-biefeld.de

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ABSTRACT
Most discussions about multiculturalism focus on 'ethnicity'. As a side-effect, the recognition of religion and religious identity is marginalized or not considered, yet recent research shows that religion 'still' plays a significant role in groups' relations amongst each other and the society at large. Living in a multicultural environment has lasting effects on the religious-cultural group and tradition. Both organisational and conceptual spheres of a respective group are influenced, as is observable particularly in inter-faith encounters. Problems of representation and re-conceptualisation are outlined.
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The term 'multiculturalism' has gained prominence in European countries over the last two decades or so. Multiculturalism as a political concept was adopted from Canadian and Australian experiences and official policies. To a large extent, however, the term was taken over only as a descriptive notion for changed socio-cultural realities, not as a political strategy and ideal. In view of the growing number of visible minorities and of non-Christian faiths in Europe, the term was applied uncritically to pay at least lip-service to the various groups of Asian, Middle Eastern, African and Carribean immigrants. Certainly one has to recognize significant differences in the practical application of multicultural political principles in, for example, Sweden, Great Britain, the Netherlands or in Germany, France and Greece. In quite a number of European states, multicultural policies do indeed 'celebrate diversity' in the way that a migrant group's distinctiveness - its ethnic, cultural and religious identity - is recognized and accepted. In other countries, despite speaking of multiculturalism, a strong assimilative policy dominates. Taking a bird's eye view of Europe, one could allocate each country to a place on a spectrum whose end poles are assimilative and multicultural policy.<1> 


Scholars in the academic study of religious traditions are not, however, primarily concerned with political questions related to the concept of multiculturalism, although these undoubtedly do form a part of a Religious Studies scholar's consideration. The main focus is on religion and the recognition of religion within any discussion of multiculturalism. In what follows, I would like to point to two observations only; one is related to the general perception of religion (the theoretical - systematic level), the other is related to the implications of active participation in multicultural activities such as inter-faith encounters (the descriptive - analytical level).


The Intellectual Fading-Out of Religion within Multiculturalism

We can observe within most studies about migrant groups and the retention of their cultural traits, that  'ethnicity' seems to be identified as the key factor responsible for a migrant group's persistence and survival in the new, different socio-cultural environment. Within a short space of time, the concept of ethnicity has gained such prominence that other features and factors, possibly equally important for a group's maintenance of difference, have become relegated to second place in favour of ethnic adherence.<2> The same applies to the present popularity of employing the term 'diaspora'. More often than not the notion of diaspora is defined by the alleged key characteristic of "a minority ethnic group of migrant origin".<3> The point is, however, that 'religion' is not recognized as a possible influencing factor. Even more, within the social sciences, religion is conceptually not even thought of to be a possible variable. To put a two hundred year development of the European history of ideas in a nutshell; in rational, scientific modernity religion is perceived as obsolete, premodern, outdated. Least of all can religion have any relevance for present-day, modern societies, or so most social scientists think. Religion is thought of as a private affair only, not as a driving force for entire groups or a significant symbol system of identification, demarcation and support.<4>


However, as research on many migrant groups has shown, living away from one's (former) home country has led, more often than not, to an increase in the perceived value and significance of religious adherence. In a way, in the new environment, religious affiliation moves from the latent to the manifest.<5>  In the mutual perception of both other faith communities and European secular society, a growing self-awareness of one's religious belonging comes to the fore among individuals and the groups as a whole. As Logan observed with regard to British Hindus, "many adults reported that they had become more aware of their religion in Britain, as a result of belonging to a minority group in a predominantly irreligious society. They could no longer take their religion and their children's assumption of it for granted".<6> The threat of possible loss generates a new interest in one's cultural customs and religious beliefs, practices and values; even more so as these features become open to question in the new social context. As Thomas cautiously states: "The minority status of Hindus in Britain may have forced them into self-awareness and into strategies for the protection and preservation of their self-identity".<7> Contrary to the assumptions of social scientists, in the new socio-cultural setting the young generation has not given up its parents' religious heritage in favour of modern individualism and materialism. Although to a certain extent cultural features such as marriage patterns, diet, dress and skill in 'home' language have changed and often diminished,<8> reference to the home country's religion has remained. In particular, confronted by racism and social discrimination, religion is employed to reinforce one's cultural particularity and identity. "Paradoxically, migration to the lands of unbelievers strengthens the religious commitment of the migrants", Peter van der Veer observed.<9> The growing awareness of one's religious and cultural distinctiveness has led to a "setting up of boundaries that mark off the limits between the ethnic minority and the host society itself".<10> In order to maintain one's identity, boundaries are pointed out, marked and often accentuated.


Apart from the cultural-national identification, whose impact is certainly not denied, religion takes on a crucial role for identity re-construction and the maintenance of distinctiveness. Religion "promotes coherence within and separation without", as Hans Mol emphasizes.<11> It serves to strengthen a group's feeling of solidarity and communal spirit; at the same time it delineates the group from its surroundings, constructing boundaries of various kinds and ranges.

Fortunately, recent studies have started to pay more attention to the religious factor within a multicultural society. Apart from interesting studies related to Australia and its plurality of religious traditions and denominations,<12> social anthropologists, for example, are increasingly encountering the significance of religious identification for migrants' or children of migrants' self-conception. This importance is at times recognized with surprise, however. Gerd Baumann in a questionaire survey among some 350 young Southallians (London) felt it to be "remarkable" that "three-quarters of all respondents used religion to define at least one of the 'cultures that are around".<13> The results showed that "the distinction between cultures on the basis of religion seems thus fundamental to growing up in Southall" and that "Southall youths thus focus on religion as the marker of culture to an extraordinary extent. [...] Young Southallians' delineations of cultures are thus overwhelmingly based on religious distinctions. The focus on religion is probably even stronger among the youngest cohort questioned, those aged twelve to fourteen".<14> Baumann summarized that his questionaire had brought forward "an astonishingly consistent focus on religion".<15> The term 'astonishingly' indicates that both the significance and persistence of religious identifications had not been expected. 

A perception of the significance of religion for a migrant group means recognition of religious identification within a multicultural setting. The plurality of cultures does not only consist of a plurality of ethnic styles, but also of a plurality of faiths and religions. As such, religion should be reconsidered as an option of and within modernity. It is a factor, unwarrantedly neglected, which needs to be taken into consideration. 


Effects of Multiculturalism: The Example of Inter-Faith Encounters

Designed as a brief contribution, this paper does not attempt to elaborate on the normative, prescriptive impact of socio-political multiculturalism, which stirs up problems for religious traditions which do not share multiculturalism's axiomatic code of equality of all religions and the separation of politics and religion.<16> Likewise, it would be of great interest to explore the relationship of ethnic religious participation with grades of adjustment to the host society. Does involvement in cultural-religious institutions (e.g. a diaspora temple, mosque or gurdwara), increase or decrease social accommodation and integration? Contrary to widespread assumptions, ethnic religious participation does not seem to hinder social integration but on the contrary often contributes to a group adapting more quickly to the new context. For example, Bankston and Zhou in their study on Vietnamese youth in the US maintained that "the view of religion as enabling social adjustment to the host country through providing a solid base of ethnic identification is also generalizable to other immigrant and ethnic groups".<17>  Despite such interesting topics, in the remainder of this paper I would like to point to certain organisational and conceptual effects of multiculturalism, observable among a migrant group attempting to find its place in a national multi-ethnic and multi-faith setting. I have picked out the sphere of inter-faith dialogue activities, an area often favoured by minority groups to achieve recognition. My point is that an abundance of recognition can be a problem similar to the refusal of recognition.<18>


During the eighties and nineties, in view of the growing number of cultural and religious communities in many multi-ethnic cities, so-called 'Councils of Faiths' became established. Such councils attempt to bring together the various religious traditions to get to know each other and to promote joint activities. Likewise, on a regional and national level, similar 'Inter-Faith Councils' and networks have been founded.<19>  Regardless of the honourable motives behind these initiatives, such organisational dialogue activities also entail the sheer practical problem of appointing a representative or speaker of a sometimes quite heterogenous 'community'. It was rightfully pointed out by John Hinnells that "the Hindus/ Muslims/ Parsis/ Sikhs who have been drawn into such dialogue have generally been the educated, the good communicators, often Westernized, perhaps rather liberal, members of the traditions. Their role in inter-faith dialogue, especially when this has resulted in contact with significant social leaders such as state governors or British royalty, has given these representatives a status, influence, even authority, back in the community, an authority they might not otherwise have had and sometimes despite the fact that they are not necessarily typical or traditional".<20>


The question of leadership and representation not only applies to the institutional and personal level but also stirs up problems as regards doctrinal interpretations and conceptualisations. Inter-faith encounters often involve the cross-religious comparison of specific doctrinal concepts and norms. Representatives are asked to expound on their faith and give a short but concise portrait of their beliefs. Christian partners, who most often are the initiators of meetings or symposia, implicitly assume a grade of rationalisation and conceptualisation of doctrinal contents comparable to those found in Catholic or Protestant theologies. Religious dimensions such as visual arts, devotional commitment and symbolic expressions are not primarily sought after, especially not from the Protestant side. Rather, questions as regards text and scripture and an essentialisation as regard belief contents are sought. Each religious tradition must have a central creed and authoritative texts, so the assumption goes.

In this way inter-faith activities also, among other influences, have contributed to a reconceptualisation of religious self-presentation. The example of Hindu traditions in Europe may illustrate the point. In Britain and the Netherlands, the two countries with the biggest Hindu populations in Europe,<21> to a growing extent the nostalgically conceived 'Hindu way of life' is more and more perceived as a rationalized 'religion' in the systematized, Christian sense. The once more or less all-encompassing religious-cultural sphere becomes compartmentalized, with the sacred sphere relegated to specific places, events, times and contents. Compared to previous experience, when the dharma of each caste to a very large extent conditioned one's place and function in society, increasingly a "ritual neutralization" and "vicarious ritualization" of the non-sacred sphere takes place, as Milton Singer has termed it.<22> As Kim Knott observed with regard to British Hindus, the perception of being a minority religion in a society which is simultanously secular and multi-faith "affected the way Hindus think about themselves and their faith. Some are beginning to think of Hinduism as many people do of Christianity, something to be remembered during large festivals and at births, marriages and deaths. Others have retained a more traditional view of Hinduism as 'a way of life". <23> Similarly, Robert Jackson and Eleanor Nesbitt concluded with regard to British-born Hindu children, that "'Hinduism' becomes more of a chosen pursuit, a rich subject for organised children's classes, camps and festivals, rather than a total way of life. [...] It seems likely that 'Hinduism', for the children we studied, is becoming a more discrete area of experience, one which can be deliberately avoided or which can be visited, for cultural enrichment or fellowship with co-religionists, rather than being a total way of life".<24> This process of compartmentalization has affected in a lasting way the conceptual sphere, as Alphons van Dijk has pointed out for Surinamese Hindus in the Netherlands. Van Dijk calls it a 'process of becoming a religion' ("Religionisierung"), in which the former "ethno-cultural religion changes to a confession of faith": Hinduism as a "lived and experienced religion develops into a believed, considered and systematized religion".<25> Clear signs of such reconceptualisations are the creation of 'Hindu catechisms' and of 'nine articles of Hindu faiths' and emphasis on the importance of texts.<26>


Such reconceptualisations of Hindu traditions have not, however, taken place in Europe only, as is evident in examples from India, the Caribbean and elsewhere.<27>  In certain contexts such processes have emerged without Western and Christian influence, as Singer has already pointed out with regard to India.<28> In the diasporic, multicultural context however, such processes of compartmentalization may be initiated or accelerated by inter-faith encounters. This may be the case especially when such activities are favoured by the dominant dialogue partner, who in the European context more often than not comes from the Christian side. This point implies no critique, but rather aims to point analytically to some implications of inter-faith dialogue for the minority religion in a multicultural setting. Recognition needs to focus on the changes and adaptations of the transplanted religious tradition which attempts to engage in and make a practical contribution to multiculturalism.

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NOTES

1)	See Stephen Castles, "How Nation-States Respond to Immigration and Ethnic Diversity", in: New Community, 21, 3 (1995): 293-308. For the 'celebration of diversity' and concepts of multiculturalism, see, among many, J. W. Berry, "Multiculturalism Policy in Canada: A Social Psychological Analysis", in: Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 16 (1984): 353-370; W. E. Lambert, D. M. Taylor, Coping with Cultural and Racial Diversity in Urban America, New York: Prager 1990; Fathali M. Moghaddam, Elizabeth A. Solliday, "'Balanced Multiculturalism' and the Challenge of Peaceful Coexistence in Pluralistic Societies", in: Psychology and Developing Societies, 3, 1, (1991): 51-72; D. T. Goldberg (ed.), Multi-culturalism: A Critical Reader, Oxford: Blackwell 1994; Mechtild M. Jansen, Sigrid Baringhorst (eds.), Politik der Multikultur: Vergleichende Perspektiven zur Einwanderung und Integration, Baden-Baden: Nomas 1994; Avery F. Gordon, Christopher Newfields (eds.), Mapping Multiculturalism, Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press 1996 and Steven Vertovec, "Multi-Culturalism, Culturalism and Public Incorporation", in: Ethnic and Racial Studies, 19 (1996): 46-68.

2)	See, among many, Werner Sollors (ed.), The Invention of Ethnicity, New York: Oxford University Press 1989 and Eckhard J. Dittrich, Frank-Olaf Radtke (eds.), Ethnizitat. Wissenschaft und Minderheiten, Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag 1990.


3)	Milton J. Esman, "Diasporas and International Relations", in: Gabriel Sheffer (ed.), Modern Diasporas in International Politics, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986, 333-349, quote 333. This problem has been discussed in more detail in Martin Baumann, "Conceptualizing Diaspora", in: Temenos, 31 (1995): 19-35; see also the article by Gerrie ter Haar in this volume of DISKUS.

4)	See Hubert Seiwert, "Religion in der Geschichte der Moderne", in: Zeitschrift für Religionswissenschaft, 3, 1 (1995): 91-101.


5)	Harold J. Abramson, "Migrants and Cultural Diversity: On Ethnicity and Religion in Society", in: Social Compass, 26, 1 (1979): 5-29, see 6. 

6)	Penny Logan, "Practising Hinduism: The Experience of Gujarati Adults and Children in Britain", unpubl. report of the Thomas Coram Research Unit at the Institute of Education, University of London, 1988: 124. 

7)	Terence Thomas, "Hindu Dharma in Dispersion", in: Gerald Parsons (ed.), The Growth of Religious Diversity. Britain from 1945, Vol. 1: Traditions, London: Routledge 1993, 173-204, quote 187. 


8)	See, for example, David F. Pocock, "Preservation of the Religious Life: Hindu Immigrants in England. A Swami Narayan Sect in London", in: Contributions to Indian Sociology (NS), 10, 2 (1976): 341-365 and Catherine Ballard, "Conflict, Continuity and Change. Second-generation South Asians", in: Verity Saifullah Khan (ed.), Minority Families in Britain. Support and Stress, Basingstoke: Macmillan 1979, 109-129. 

9)	Peter van der Veer, Religious Nationalism, Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press 1994, quote 119. 


10)	David Taylor, "The Role of Religion and the Emancipation of an Ethnic Minority", in: W.A.R. Shadid, P.S. van Koningsveld (eds.), The Integration of Islam and Hinduism in Western Europe, Kampen: Kok Pharos Publishing House 1991, 201-212, quote 208. 

11)	Hans Mol, "Theory and Data on the Religious Behaviour of Migrants", in: Social Compass, 26, 1 (1979): 31-39, quote 37. See also Mol, "Religion and Identity. A Dialectical Interpretation of Religious Phenomena", in: Victor C. Hayes (ed.), Identity Issues and World Religions, Bedford Park: University Relations Unit 1986, 64-79, esp. 71.


12)	Norman C. Habel (ed.), Religion and Multiculturalism in Australia. Essays in honour of Victor C. Hayes, Adelaide: AASR 1992 and Gary D. Bouma (ed.), Many Religions, All Australian: Religious Settlement, Identity and Cultural Diversity, Adelaide: Open Book Publ. 1996. See also further specific references in Michelle Spuler's contribution of this thematic issue of Diskus. For the US-context see also the recently appeared David Biale, Michael Galchinsky, Susannah Heschel (eds.), Insider/Outsider. American Jews and Multiculturalism, Berkeley: University of California Press 1998.

13)	Gerd Baumann, Contesting Culture. Discourses of Identity in Multi-ethnic London, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1996, 99. 


14)	Baumann, Contesting Culture, 1996, 99-100.

15)	Baumann, Contesting Culture, 1996, 101. This result is paralleled, for example, by Hutnik's study on identity markers among South Asian, West Indian and British youth in that "religion was an extremely important means of self-definition for the South Asian group".  See Nimmi Hutnik, "Aspects of Identity in a Multi-ethnic Society", in: New Community, 12, 2 (1985): 298-309, quote 304. For the 'persistence' and importance of religion in a multicultural milieu see also Greg Smith, "Ethnicity, Religious Belonging and Inter-Faith Encounter: Some Survey Findings from East London", in: Journal of Contemporary Religion, 13, 3 (1998): 333-351.

16)	See Charles Taylor, Multiculturalism and "The Politics of Recognition", Princeton: Princeton University Press 1992, see 61-64; German edition Multikulturalismus und die Politik der Anerkennung, Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp 1993, see 56-59.


17)	Carl L. Bankston, Min Zhou, "The Ethnic Church, Ethnic Identification, and the Social Adjustment of Vietnamese Adolescents", in: Review of Religious Research, 38, 1 (1996): 18-37, quote 32. See likewise, Nicholas Doumanis, "Eastern Orthodoxy and Migrant Conflict: The Greek Church Schism in Australia, 1959-74", in: Journal of Religious History, 17, 1 (1992): 60-76 and Irene Lin, "Journey to the Far West: Chinese Buddhism in America", in: Amerasia Journal, 22, 1 (1996): 107-132.

18)	For a refusal of recognition see, Taylor, Multiculturalism,1992, 36; German ed. 1993, 26.


19)	For the city of Hannover, where I teach, see the book Religionen in Hannover, ed. by the 'Aktionskreis der Religionen und Kulturen in Hannover' and the 'World Conference on Religions and Peace', Hannover: buero conrad 1997. As regards national level, for Britain see Paul Weller, Religions in the UK. A Multi-Faith Directory, 2nd ed. Derby: University of Derby 1997, 67-80, (list of local and national inter-faith organisations 81-94). For a general, global account, see Marcus Braybrooke, Pilgrimage of Hope: One Hundred Years of Interfaith Dialogue, London: SCM Press 1992.

20)	John Hinnells, "Comparative Reflections on South Asian Religion in International Migration", in: John Hinnells (ed.), A New Handbook of Living Religions, Oxford: Blackwell 1997, 819-847, quote 835.

21)	See Martin Baumann, "Sustaining 'Little Indias': Hindu Diasporas in Europe", in: Gerrie ter Haar (ed.), Strangers and Sojourners: Religious Communities in the Diaspora, Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters 1998, 95-132.


22)	Milton Singer, When a Great Tradition Modernizes: An Anthropological Approach to Indian Civilization, London: Pall Mall Press 1972, 325-335.

23)	Kim Knott, Hinduism in Leeds. A Study of Religious Practice in the Indian Hindu Community and in Hindu-Related Groups,Leeds:Community Religions Project 1986, repr.1994, 46.


24)	Robert Jackson, Eleanor Nesbitt, Hindu Children in Britain, Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham 1993, 179.


25)	Alphons van Dijk, "Hinduismus in Suriname und den Niederlanden", Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft und Religionswissenschaft, 80, 3 (1996): 179-195, quotes 193, 191, 193. Translations by M. Baumann.


26)	See the Leeds temple circular "Hinduism - Sanatana Dharma", reproduced in Knott, Hinduism, 1994, 295-296 and "Our Prayer" and "Neun Glaubenssätze des Hinduismus", in: VHP (ed.), 5th European Hindu Conference, Osnabrück: Fromm 1992, 73 and 163.

27)	See M. Baumann's post-doctorial thesis, "Der Begriff der Diaspora als analytische Kategorie. Eine religionswissenschaftliche Untersuchung am Beispiel der globalen 'Zerstreuung' von Hindu-Traditionen in der Moderne", 1998 (to be printed by Marburg: Diagonal 1999).


28)	Singer, Great Tradition (as note 22), 323.

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